The Lost Lesson of the Civil Rights Movement

The commemoration of Martin Luther King Jr. day has led Palestine solidarity activists and journalists alike to compare the current non-violent struggle in the Palestinian Territories with the American Civil Rights Movement. With the recent arrests of several prominent Palestinian leaders of the Anti-Apartheid Wall campaign, people around the world are answering the question “where is the Palestinian Martin Luther King?” with “in prison”. These comparisons are largely accurate. Abdullah Abu Rahme, Jamal Juma’a, Mohammed Othman, and others from the villages of Bil’in and Ni’lin who have been arrested in the last few months in Israel’s blatant attempt to suppress the Anti-wall campaign all invoke images of Martin Luther King. But while these individuals, along with others, have had significant success in internationalizing the Anti-Apartheid Wall campaign, and have continued non-violent civil disobedience in their communities and inspired others to do the same for the last few years, the groundswell of mass-mobilization that characterized the American Civil Rights Movement and other successful popular movements against oppression around the world is still conspicuously absent in most of Occupied Palestine.

The question we should be asking, then, is not “where is the Palestinian Martin Luther King?” but rather, “where is the Palestinian Ella Baker?”

Don’t know who Ella Baker is, or at least, what she did exactly? That was her intention.

Ella Baker, born in North Carolina in 1903, was widely known within the organizing circles of the Civil Rights Movement from the 1940’s to the 1960’s as a quiet, mobilizing force behind the development of the movement. Baker was the first paid organizer of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (whose figurehead was Martin Luther King). When students in Greensboro, North Carolina sat-in at a Woolworth’s lunch counter in 1960, she went to North Carolina and helped students found the Student Non-violent Coordinating Committee, which was responsible for organizing and coordinating the sit-in movement, the Freedom Rides, and later voter registrations in the Deep South. Most importantly, Ella Baker brought with her an ideology and practice of mass-mobilization movement building. With a strong distaste for charismatic leaders and centralized organizations, Baker worked tirelessly to spread the concept of local empowerment; instilling in the minds of Bob Moses, Julian Bond, and the like that real organizing must include a willingness to engage in “spadework”, the slow, unglamorous work of meeting people one on one and encouraging them to become involved in the movement. She lived the concept of ‘participatory democracy’, believing that true liberation can only come when the oppressed are shaping their own struggle for freedom.

Baker felt strongly that Southern Blacks would only succeed in their struggle for civil and political rights when they were empowered themselves to address these issues. She said,

“My basic sense of it has always been to get people to understand that in the long run they themselves are the only protection they have against violence or injustice …. People have to be made to understand that they cannot look for salvation anywhere but to themselves.”

Beyond her general distrust of organizations that emphasized leadership from the outside (she wrote the above as part of a critique of the organizing structure of the NAACP of the 1940’s, which was based in New York), she also always emphasized the need for the participatory democracy and the inclusion of everyone in shaping the struggle.

“I have always felt it was a handicap for oppressed people to depend so largely on a leader, because unfortunately in our culture, the charismatic leader usually becomes a leader because he has found a spot in the public limelight. It usually means that the media made him, and the media may undo him. There is also the danger in our culture that, because a person is called upon to give public statements and is acclaimed by the establishment, such a person gets to the point of believing that he is the movement. Such people get so involved with playing the game of being important that they exhaust themselves and their time and they don’t do the work of actually organizing people.”

Baker articulated perhaps the most important lesson from the American Civil Rights Movement, and one Palestinians interested in developing a mass, popular movement against the occupation are heeding.

Like King, the leaders of the current campaign against The Apartheid Wall and settlements have undeniably played an important role in galvanizing international awareness and support for their work. Their recent detentions highlight the threat they pose to the Israeli establishment, in large part due to their roles as charismatic leaders, providing inspiration and giving voice to average Palestinians, as well as their tireless work in attracting media attention: focusing an international spotlight on the plight of rural Palestinians facing land confiscation. But Ella Baker’s warning resonates strongly now; while international solidarity activists wax passionately about these leaders of the “popular struggle”, naming Bil’in as the “center of Palestinian popular resistance” they risk putting the cart before the horse: declaring a popular struggle doesn’t make one a reality.

As Baker warned, what has been pushed to the sidelines as we have all over-emphasized the importance of international attention and pressure, spectacular individual acts, and individual personalities, is “actually organizing people.” There has been little, if any “spadework”; encouraging participation in shaping the popular struggle by people from all social classes and walks of Palestinian life does not seem to be a priority at this time. While there are numerous organizations, government-aligned “national committees” and a self-selected “coordinating committee”, all committed to “popular” and “grassroots” organizing, the reality on the ground in Occupied Palestine does not yet bear this out.

Yes, weekly demonstrations have been added in one or two new locations, but the underlying organizing needed to expand beyond weekly, symbolic demonstrations to collective political action on a sustained level (like the sit-ins and voter registrations in the American South 50 years ago) is largely absent not only amongst rural Palestinians who are most affected by settlements and the Apartheid Wall, but also certainly among the residents of refugee camps and city centers who are even further removed from these campaigns. A year and a half after 4 students sat at a Woolworth’s lunch counter in North Carolina, an estimated 70,000 people had participated in similar sit-ins around the country. Likewise, tens of thousands of blacks in the South participated in marches to county courthouses and the like to try to register to vote. This is what a true popular movement looked like. It was certainly seen in Occupied Palestine in the 1980’s, but it is certainly not yet a reality on the ground in Occupied Palestine today.

So as we reflect on the American Civil Rights Movement and its lessons for the potential non-violent popular movement in Occupied Palestine, we should be cautious about the emphasis we put on the leaders of this “movement”. While playing an important role in providing inspiration and aiming the international spotlight on the ongoing oppression by the Israeli government, particularly in the form of land confiscation for the Apartheid Wall and settlement expansion, it takes a mass movement, not just charismatic leaders, to bring real political change.

The successes of the American Civil Rights Movement were not gained by one speech in Washington, one Freedom Summer, or even one bus boycott campaign. They were achieved after decades of organizing work, of developing local organizers and a movement centered on the belief that oppressed people could directly participate in changing the systems that governed their lives. As we look for ways to support Palestinian self-determination and liberation, in addition to continuing to find international venues for Palestinian voices we should also be seeking out those small projects, organizations, and unsung Palestinian heroes who have been organizing for a mass-movement for years. They may be avoiding the media limelight, but they are out there, and they are the ones who, like Ella Baker, will be remembered by the elderly, illiterate farmers, the women, and the other most marginalized groups in Occupied Palestine as the organizing force behind the popular movement that is coming. They will be responsible for creating the groundswell that will lift the leaders to fame and lead to Palestinian liberation. As Ella Baker said of Martin Luther King, “The movement made Martin, not Martin the movement”.

Mousa Abu Maria and Bekah Wolf are co-founders of the Palestine Solidarity Project. The all-Palestinian PSP committee is currently designing its program for an organizing and educational center in the village of Beit Ommar (where Mousa is from and PSP is based) dedicated to building a mass-movement for Palestinian freedom and justice in the Betlehem and Hebron Districts, which can hopefully be used as a model of organizing throughout Occupied Palestine.

For more information on Ella Baker and the organizing principles of the Civil Rights Movement, see I’ve Got the Light of Freedom by Charles Payne.

Posted in Israel/Palestine

{ 16 comments... read them below or add one }

  1. Beautifully said.

    Mousa Abu Maria should also not be taken lightly.

    The IDF shot this guy in the head twice, and when that didn’t kill him they put him in Administrative detention in the middle of the desert for months.

    Yet his commitment to non violence never wavered despite these huge cruelties committed against him and various members of his family.

    Its further proof that Israel fears non-violent resistance more than violent resistance.

  2. MRW says:

    Wow. I second what James Bradley wrote. This is an important piece to read. What these authors say is vitally important. I, for one, knew nothing about Ella Baker. Thank you Mousa Abu Maria and Bekah Wolf for writing this.

  3. The tireless outside of the spotlight work is what accomplishes.

    The strategy of the single-state and the two-state DIVERGE (too bad for the capitals).

    The strategy of behind the spotlight accomplishment is in institution-building, creating the equivalent of a functioning and functional state, to which the shift then requires only a change of name, and is easily accepted by adversaries.

    The strategy of behind the spotlight accomplishment in single-state effort is solely political, just organizing.

    I’m a bit dismayed that in Massachusetts, a conservative republican won the senate seat that was open from Ed Kennedy’s death. A suprise. A new world. 1934.

    • Citizen says:

      I’m a bit elated that in Massachusetts, many independents that had voted for Obama
      as a protest against 8 years of neocon foreign policy and domestic free range capitalistic plunder, have now switched to again protest–this time against the first year trends in Obamaland. More and more citizens see that neither Tweedledee nor Tweedledum give a rat’s rear about them. Not a surprise to me. More to come next congressional voting cycle. And it’s not 1934; it’s 2010. And neither Ron Paul or Ralph Nader, for example, are Hitler or Mussolini wannabes.

      • Actually, I was wrong about 1934 and 1936. Those were years when the electorate rallied around Roosevelt’s New Deal.

        We’re still in the dumb-down time. Third parties are lost currently. I attend green organizing events, and they are gone gone gone.

      • MRW says:

        Citizen, it may have been a protest vote, but they voted in a guy who voted against the state funding 911 rescue workers in 2001 yet voted to use the state funds to pay for a golf course instead. It’s not a matter of who Tweedledee or Tweedledum are; Presidents have no power, they only have a bully pulpit. It’s who the masses put into the House and Senate that count. I wouldn’t be surprised if the GOP ran this guy for Prez opposite Obama in 2012.

        • Citizen says:

          I don’t disagree with you MRW. I don’t like this new Mass Senator at all; OTH,
          the woman who lost is equally horrible in her own ways. I’d like to see a Third Party gain traction, but as Witty correctly points out, those are lost currently; as well, the trajectory of Third Parties historically in the USA is pretty depressing.

    • MRW says:

      You completely missed the point of what community organizing is all about, and consequently, what this article is saying. It has nothing to do with “institution-building” nor is your statement “solely political, just organizing” anywhere near the real world of logic. This article simply flew over your head.

    • Donald says:

      “The strategy of behind the spotlight accomplishment is in institution-building, creating the equivalent of a functioning and functional state, to which the shift then requires only a change of name, and is easily accepted by adversaries.”

      There’s some truth in what you say–institution building is important, though one should be suspicious of institutions which receive so much outside backing from the US and Israel when the US has a long history of trying to run other countries through backroom channels. I mean, that’s the flip side of this low key institution building–how much of it is necessary work and how much of it is the US and Israel picking who its puppets will be, rewarding them and punishing the others and trying to do this under the radar as much as possible. (They also instigated a civil war rather than see Hamas and Fatah form a unity government, something you always ignore). I agree with some of your criticism of flashy protests with little thought behind them, but you ought to try and be a little self-critical of your own viewpoint (if you are capable of this–the evidence that you are is close to non-existent).

      The other problem, even if one wholeheartedly embraced the PA and believed that Obama’s team has nothing but the best of intentions (which I don’t) is that fact that Israel shows no indication that they’re really going to hand over the West Bank and Gaza to any sort of Palestinian government, not on any conditions acceptable to even the most “moderate” of Palestinians. If Sari Nusseibeh has given up on the two state solution, that solution is in real trouble.

      • I’m confident that Fatah means what it says.

        It is insisting on the green line as border, with only slight modifications acceptable.

        It is close if it is focused on, and made to be and conveyed to be sincere to Israel.

        Israel’s concerns about the sincerity of the parties is real and justified given the history. With the US closely involved ensuring that the terms from the Arab and Palestinian side are offered sincerely, then the wide posturing (bargaining chips) for advantage may be irrelevant.

        Hamas remains a dilemma, years into negotiations still not reconciling with the PA.

  4. Citizen says:

    How can grass roots Palestinians engage in protest activities such as counter sit-ins? Won’t the IDF just shoot them, arrest them, beat them up, etc under color of national security? Same if they go and march down, say a main sidewalk or road banned to them, again under color of national security? Further, how does voter registration drive apply in the OT? What citizenship civil rights are at least theoretically applicable in the OT, under what document similar to the US Constitution? Palestinians are not subject to Israeli conscription generally, right? And isn’t the education system totally bifurcated in Israel proper, and sren’t busses segregated, both as to gender and ethnic/religious status? Can the Palestininans use the leverage of Israel’s Basic Laws in lieu of a Constitution, especially when the Israeli Supreme Court lacks the power
    that resides as in the US Supreme Court? And where is the press coverage similar to
    the US press during the US Civil Rights heyday era? Further, the American Civil Rights
    movement did not have to contend with a foreign superpower funding and selectively
    covering that movement in its MSM breaking news, effectively giving credence to the likes of Bull Conners. And, behind the US civil rights movement was the blood spilled in the American Civil War under a banner of union
    and the Emancipation Proclamation. Hence, I guess, the need to also apply BDS echoing strains of the civil rights strategy against apartheid S Africa–of course, that regime did not have a UNSC veto, nor was it supported by 3 billion dollars annually
    in free cash from the US.

  5. MRW says:

    The word is that Saul Alinsky invented community organizing, and that his methods, in turn, informed Obama’s work in Chicago and how he won the election. Interesting to know that it was Ella Baker, and that she was doing it before he did. From Wikipedia about Alinsky:

    In the course of nearly four decades of organizing the poor for radical social action, Alinsky made many enemies, but he has received praise from an array of public figures. His organizing skills were focused on improving the living conditions of poor communities across North America. In the 1950s, he began turning his attention to improving conditions of the African-American ghettos, beginning with Chicago’s and later traveling to other ghettos in California, Michigan, New York City, and a dozen other “trouble spots.”

  6. seth says:

    This is a really excellent piece, and should be widely read, and not just by those working on Israel/Palestine issues. Thanks for posting it.