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At State Department briefing, reporters accuse ass’t sec’y of ‘speaking for Israel’

Another sign that the wheels are coming off the cart. Years ago we learned that the U.S. acted as Israel’s lawyer in the peace process. Well, this is a press conference by P.J. Crowley, ass’t sec’y of State, two days ago, and a couple of reporters (unnamed) seem to gang up on him over the fact that the State Department is speaking for Israel and strongly condemning the Palestinians over one Palestinian “mouthing off”, but when Israel Judaizes East Jerusalem, the supposed capital of the Palestinian state, the U.S. doesn’t say a word. The interchange begins when Crowley “strongly condemns” the (yes, repellent) comments by a P.A. official saying that Jews have no historic connection to the Temple Mount area of the Old City. Notice that the interchange goes on to Hebron, whose old market area has been ethnically cleansed to allow Jewish colonists to live there, and strong doubts in the press corps about a “viable” Palestinian state. The briefing:

CROWLEY: [R]regarding a claim by a senior Palestinian official that the Western Wall is an Islamic Waqf, we strongly condemn these comments and fully reject them as factually incorrect, insensitive, and highly provocative. We have repeatedly raised with the Palestinian Authority leadership the need to consistently combat all forms of delegitimization of Israel, including denying historic Jewish connections to the land. As the United States has long maintained, the status of Jerusalem must be resolved in final status negotiations between the parties. We recognize that Jerusalem is a deeply important issue to Israelis and Palestinians, to Jews, to Muslims, and to Christians everywhere. We believe it is possible to reach an outcome that both realizes the aspirations of all parties for Jerusalem and safeguards its stature for the future.

QUESTION: Before moving on, P.J., on that, if you recognize that the Jerusalem – status of Jerusalem is so important to all sides, why were you so noncommittal when I asked the other day about the Israeli approval of new Jewish construction – new Jewish housing in East Jerusalem?

MR. CROWLEY: I was only noncommittal in the sense of before commenting to affirm that we had, in fact, raised our concerns with the Israeli Government as we have in the past. We have raised our concerns with the Israeli Government, as we’ve said many times. This Jerusalem, in all of its dimensions, must be part of a negotiated settlement. But I would be (inaudible) caution that there’s not necessarily an equivalence, that the kind of statements that we heard the other day, we think deserve strong condemnation.

QUESTION: Well, you’re right. There’s absolutely no equivalence between some guy mouthing off and giving his opinion, whether you agree with it or not, and actual bricks and mortar going up in an area that’s disputed. I mean, the equivalent – you come out and denounce this statement, which is mere – simply words, and it took a question from a reporter to get you to say anything about the actual, physical, on-the-ground construction there. So I don’t understand the equivalence that you’re – your idea of equivalence here. One seems to be much more serious than another.

MR. CROWLEY: We agree, but I think we have a different view as to what that equivalence should be. Look, what we are saying again to all sides is that they both have responsibilities here. Both have to take the responsibility to create conditions for negotiations to resume. And when you have a senior Palestinian official who denies the historic connection that the Jewish people feel to the Western Wall, we have an obligation to speak out. At the same time, we do recognize that rather than changing facts on the ground, we want to see the parties return to negotiations. But we will continue to express our concern to both sides when appropriate that inflammatory remarks on the one hand and actions on the ground on the other hand both have the potential to undermine a return to negotiations.

QUESTION: You said we agreed that one is more serious than the other. Which one is more serious?

MR. CROWLEY: I mean – well, we see –

QUESTION: You said, “We agree,” so (inaudible) more serious.

MR. CROWLEY: No, no, no. I’m just saying the United States condemns the words of a senior Palestinian official the other day. We have raised our concerns with the Palestinians directly, but we thought it was appropriate to make clear that these kinds of inflammatory remarks are uncalled for. They’re uncalled for any day, but they’re uncalled for particularly at a sensitive time in the process. We have raised our concerns with the Israeli Government, not only recently but successively going back many months, about developments on the ground and the need to come back to negotiations. And both sides have responsibilities here, but we thought that these particular words were inflammatory. We’ve called upon the Palestinians for a long time to avoid these kinds of statements that are not conducive to getting the parties into a negotiation or from – through that negotiation to a final agreement.

QUESTION: Well, we all know that diplomatic language is very important. Why won’t you condemn the approval of new construction in East Jerusalem by Israel, and yet you come out and you —

MR. CROWLEY: We have expressed our concerns to the Israeli Government. We’ve done it in the past. We’ve done it recently. We’ll be doing it in further meetings that we’ll have with the Israelis in the coming days. The Israelis understand our position very well.

QUESTION: Just — QUESTION: (Inaudible) as to what constitutes a viable Palestinian state? Because it seems that in Mr. Netanyahu’s mind, a Palestinian state is completely demilitarized, it should not have control over its airspace, it should not – according to WikiLeaks. So does the State Department, does the Government of the United States, have a clear definition as to what constitutes a viable Palestinian state?

MR. CROWLEY: We share the goal of the Palestinian Authority that there needs to be a Palestinian state and the borders of that state need to be viable. That has been our position. But that’s why we’re encouraging the parties to resume negotiations, because absent a negotiation, you cannot get to a viable state with recognized international borders. There’s only one way to do this and that’s through the direct negotiation that we continue to encourage both sides to resume as soon as possible.

QUESTION: But surely after like, 19 years of direct negotiations under the auspices of the United States, since 1991, you must have a picture of what this viability should look like.

MR. CROWLEY: Well, there’s been a lot of work done here. I think we have a broad understanding of what this might look like. But ultimately, this is why the two sides have to sit down into a negotiation. Palestinians have their views, the Israelis have their views. The United States and others, we’ve done a lot of work on this. There have been negotiations in the past that enable us – will inform negotiations should we get the parties back together again. But through this negotiation, that’s how you get to a viable Palestinian state. If there are no negotiations, then we’re not going to see a Palestinian state emerge.

QUESTION: One last question, related question.

MR. CROWLEY: Wait, hold on, (inaudible).

QUESTION: Just let me – can I just continue my one last question on this?

MR. CROWLEY: All right, all right, all right. I tried.

QUESTION: In the city of Hebron, which is home to 220,000 Palestinians and 600 settlers, there is an area called the Martyrs Street that is completely closed to Palestinians where they have to traverse on rooftops. Are you aware of a situation like this? Is this something that you would raise with the Israeli Government to sort of relieve the hardship of the Palestinians in Hebron?

MR. CROWLEY: (Inaudible) that’s one of the reasons why we have been the strongest supporters of building institutions of the Palestinian Authority, and through those institutions and with dramatic changes on the ground that are occurring, we can see the Israelis adapt its posture. We continue to talk to both sides about how to improve the situation on the ground as one means among several of continuing to build the necessary public support so that the leaders can have confidence that they can enter into negotiations, they have the proper political support through those negotiations and can get to an agreement. So we have conversations with the Israelis and the Palestinians, both sides, on how we can adapt the situation on the West Bank.

QUESTION: Just on the condemnation part of what you said, I just wonder, why do you feel strongly that you have – from this podium, you have to condemn a senior Palestinian official, considering that on the Israeli side, you have a foreign minister who publicly, officially advocating the transfer of the Palestinians, deny their right to exist, et cetera? So I’m just wondering about – it is a double standard here, or why do you think that you have to condemn one side more than the other? Or why the language is very important?

MR. CROWLEY: Well, I would tell you that there have been times where senior Israeli officials have spoken in ways that do not reflect the policies of that government, and the government has made clear and it disassociated itself from those statements. We have talked to the Palestinians about these words, and we just felt that it was appropriate for us to make clear our position and to condemn them.

QUESTION: So they haven’t – the Palestinians haven’t disassociated themselves from these comments?

MR. CROWLEY: I’ll defer to the Palestinians to describe how they view these comments.

QUESTION: Well, you just deferred to the –

MR. CROWLEY: I’m just —

QUESTION: — you just spoke for the Israelis. So are you sure that the comments by the senior Palestinian official do not reflect the Palestinian Authority position? Or are you concerned that they do reflect the Palestinian Authority’s position?

MR. CROWLEY: We have talked to the Palestinians at length on many occasions about the impact of controversial statements that we think have the potential to incite conflict in the region.

QUESTION: And okay, but at the same time, you don’t see that the construction of houses that the Palestinians are completely opposed to, in territory that you yourself say is disputed, and earlier this year called – were calling for a complete freeze to all construction, you don’t see that as inflammatory or could —

MR. CROWLEY: I mean, as I said —

QUESTION: — inciteful to the Palestinians?

MR. CROWLEY: We – Matt.

QUESTION: What?

MR. CROWLEY: As I said, we have expressed our concerns with the Israelis about this project. We’ve done so directly. We expect to have further conversations with them. And as we say, both sides have responsibilities here. We’re in a period where we’re looking for both sides to assume responsibility, create the necessary conditions that allow negotiations to resume. And both sides have these responsibilities and have to take them seriously.

QUESTION: But one side gets condemned in public and the other one gets your concerns expressed in private.

MR. CROWLEY: Guys, if you go back a number of months, we have not hesitated to express our concerns publicly and privately about what is happening in East Jerusalem. QUESTION: Fair enough. Can we go to WikiLeaks? That might be the easier subject. (Laughter.)

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