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Kennedy’s insistence on right of return prompted Ben-Gurion to rewrite history: They fled ‘of their own free will’

Incredible piece of reporting on the Nakba at ‘Haaretz’ from Shay Hazkani, and meaningful at many levels. It shows what the scholar Victor Kattan has documented, that several US presidents were for the right of return. Kennedy wanted several hundred thousand to be allowed to return, and Israel said 20-30,000. And then US policy on the right changed under Clinton, in 1994, as Rashid Khalidi has stated. Hazkani:

Ben-Gurion appeared to have known the facts well. Even though much material about the Palestinian refugees in Israeli archives is still classified, what has been uncovered provides enough information to establish that in many cases senior commanders of the Israel Defense Forces ordered Palestinians to be expelled and their homes blown up. The Israeli military not only updated Ben-Gurion about these events but also apparently received his prior authorization, in written or oral form, notably in Lod and Ramle, and in several villages in the north. Documents available for perusal on the Israeli side do not provide an unequivocal answer to the question of whether an orderly plan to expel Palestinians existed. In fact, fierce debate on the issue continues to this day. For example, in an interview with Haaretz the historian Benny Morris argued that Ben-Gurion delineated a plan to transfer the Palestinians forcibly out of Israel, though there is no documentation that proves this incontrovertibly.

Even before the war of 1948 ended, Israeli public diplomacy sought to hide the cases in which Palestinians were expelled from their villages. In his study of the early historiography of the 1948 war, “Memory in a Book” (Hebrew), Mordechai Bar-On quotes Aharon Zisling, who would become an MK on behalf of Ahdut Ha’avoda and was the agriculture minister in Ben-Gurion’s provisional government in 1948. At the height of the expulsion of the Arabs from Lod and Ramle, Zisling wrote in the left-wing newspaper Al Hamishmar, “We did not expel Arabs from the Land of Israel … After they remained in our area of control, not one Arab was expelled by us.” In Davar, the newspaper of the ruling Mapai party, the journalist A. Ophir went one step further, explaining, “In vain did we cry out to the Arabs who were streaming across the borders: Stay here with us!”

Contemporaries who had ties to the government or the armed forces obviously knew that hundreds of thousands of Palestinians had been expelled and their return was blocked already during the war. They understood that this must be kept a closely guarded secret. In 1961, after John F. Kennedy assumed office as president of the United States, calls for the return of some of the Palestinian refugees increased. Under the guidance of the new president, the U.S. State Department tried to force Israel to allow several hundred thousand refugees to return. In 1949, Israel had agreed to consider allowing about 100,000 refugees to return, in exchange for a comprehensive peace agreement with the Arab states, but by the early 1960s that was no longer on the agenda as far as Israel was concerned. Israel was willing to discuss the return of some 20,000-30,000 refugees at most.

Under increasing pressure from Kennedy and amid preparations at the United Nations General Assembly to address the Palestinian refugee issue, Ben-Gurion convened a special meeting on the subject. Held in his office in the Kirya, the defense establishment compound in Tel Aviv, the meeting was attended by the top ranks of Mapai, including Foreign Minister Golda Meir, Agriculture Minister Moshe Dayan and Jewish Agency Chairman Moshe Sharett. Ben-Gurion was convinced that the refugee problem was primarily one of public image (hasbara). Israel, he believed, would be able to persuade the international community that the refugees had not been expelled, but had fled. “First of all, we need to tell facts, how they escaped,” he said in the meeting. “As far as I know, most of them fled before the state’s establishment, of their own free will, and contrary to what the Haganah [the pre-independence army of Palestine’s Jews] told them when it defeated them, that they could stay. After the state’s establishment [on May 15, 1948], as far as I know, only the Arabs of Ramle and Lod left their places, or were pressured to leave.”

Ben-Gurion thereby set the frame of reference for the discussion, even though some of the participants knew that his presentation was inaccurate, to say the least…

Ben-Gurion went on to explain what Israel must tell the world: “…[T]his was of their own free will, because they were told the country would soon be conquered and you will return to be its lord and masters and not just return to your homes.” In 1961, against the backdrop of what Ben-Gurion described as the need for “a serious operation, both in written form and in oral hasbara,” the Shiloah Institute was asked to collect material for the government about “the flight of the Arabs from the Land of Israel in 1948.”

Thanks to Omar Barghouti and Annie Robbins.

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Israel Shahak was so stunned to discover the real Ben-Gurion in the archives, that he was compelled to set aside his research in order to adjust to the reality of the person who was once a hero of Shahak.

Ben-Gurion was a pathetic liar.

The reason Ben-Gurion resigned as prime minister in 1963 was that he knew JFK was sending a letter demanding the right to inspect Dimona, and he didn’t want to be the one who received that letter.

The 50th anniversary of the JFK assassination draws ever nearer.

There were so many reasons why JFK might have been assassinated. This is another one. With so many enemies and such a bad investigation, we’ll never know. All the JFK enemies were well-placed politically.

No sane intellect cares if the refugees fled of their own free will or otherwise. It’s not as if there’s some sort of legal requirement for civilians to remain in an area where there’s an on-going armed conflict that places their lives in danger.

The fact that Haaretz treats this as a relevant factor only proves that it’s editorial staff and target audience in Israel might be “a few bricks short of a full load.”

Many civilians who tried to remain in the contested areas ended-up as the victims of massacres conducted by the notorious Jewish terror organizations. The Haganah, Irgun and Lehi specialized in terror bombings, drive by shootings, tossing grenades into Arab market places, rolling barrel bombs down hills into Arab villages, and using light or heavy mortars in attacks that destroyed and emptied entire villages of their inhabitants.

Here is an excerpt from Prof. John Quigley’s “Palestine and Israel: a challenge to justice” (footnote numbers omitted) which describes the situation. It points out that the Zionist newspapers carried contemporary accounts which said the Arabs were given leaflets which warned them to evacuate or else:

On April 21 the Haganah and Irgun attacked Haifa, the terminus of the Iraqi oil pipeline. According to the Palestine Post, a Zionist daily, the Haganah ” said that the Arabs had been warned by leaflets in Arabic for two days “to evacuate women, children and old men immediately .” The Haganah said that it repeated the warning from loud speaker trucks .’ The messages threatened dire consequences if the warnings were ignored. ‘ The Haganah lobbed mortars into densely populated neighborhoods in Haifa, rolled barrel bombs into alleys, and played horror recordings. The combination of bombings and threats succeeded in setting the population to flight. The “barrages making loud explosive sounds” and the “loudspeakers in Arabic,” according to an assessment by the Haganah intelligence branch, “proved their great efficacy when used properly (as in Haifa particularly).”

The flight of Arab residents from Haifa reached the level of panic even before the main attack. In “whatever transport they could find, many of them on foot— men , women, and children— moved in a mass exodus toward the port area,” the Palestine Post reported. “Then thousands stormed the gate and streamed to the seaside to be taken to Acre by Army landing crafts.” Some shouted “Deir Yassin ” as they left, reported Menachem Begin, proud at the impact of his Irgun’s mass killing two weeks earlier.

As families fled, the Haganah directed gun fire at them to keep them moving. British officials reported “indiscriminate and revolting machine gun fire” by the Haganah “on women and children” as they ran for the docks. They said there was “considerable congestion” of “hysterical and terrified Arab womn and children and old people on whom the Jews opened up mercilessly with fire.” Haganah commander Ben Zion Inbar recalled: “we manned the biggest mortar which our forces had at that time — a three-inch mortar — and when all the Arabs gathered in this area we started firing on them . When the shells started falling on them, they rushed down to the boats and set off by sea for Acre.” (Acre is another coastal town, to the north of Haifa.)

An account was later disseminated that Haifa’s Arabs fled not from fear but because local Arab leaders decided on an evacuation to avoid living under Zionist rule.

http://books.google.com/books?id=GX8jX9dJXIAC&lpg=PA60&pg=PA60#v=onepage&q&f=false