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Total number of comments: 75 (since 2015-05-30 18:08:43)

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  • New Israel Fund's Daniel Sokatch exposes the bankruptcy of liberal Zionism
    • The only person I know personally that works/worked at the NIF was someone in college who actively opposed literally every act of Palestine solidarity on our shared campus when I was in college with her. I've always considered it a shit-hole.

  • Jewish leaders seek to shut down anti-occupation movie in MA because it 'sniffs of Nazism'
    • The response should be to call on churches throughout the country to hold a coordinated screening of Occupation of the American Mind

  • Cartoon of Dershowitz mingled appropriate satire and anti-Semitic imagery
    • This is probably one of the worst pieces I've read in MondoWeiss.

      Outside of the obvious inanity of purposely drudging up anti-Semitic imagery from another time and place to create an analogy where there would otherwise be none, there is nothing to indicate that Dershowitz is being portrayed as a spider. An incredibly tenuous attempt to wedge the cartoon into a groundless line of reasoning.

      Put another way, even assuming Dersh is portrayed as a spider, there is no reason to connect that with Nazi portrayals of Jews as spiders unless you are only capable of seeing individual Jews like Dershowitz as perpetual Nazi victims and not on their own terms.

  • The problem with Miko Peled's 'Holocaust: yes or no'
  • Lessons from Finkelstein: a response to Seth Anderson
    • I stopped following Greenstein's crappy blogging after he attacked Counter-Punch, but it was amusing to see him once again blubbering about things he knows very little about.

      First of all, the ICC does not target states. At all. It *only* targets individuals, because international criminal law only targets individuals. The ICJ on the other hand primarily produces advisory opinions on IL disputes, usually between states. He lumps them together.

      As for Bush's war, although wars of aggression are arguably illegal based on the UN Charter and the Kellogg-Briand Pact, those do not create criminal liability for individuals. Greenstein cites the Nuremberg Trials as an example of individuals being held criminally accountable for wars of aggression, but even this is a very weak claim. In retrospect, the Nuremberg Trials were so obviously a matter of the victor's justice that future international criminal tribunals have tried to mend its excesses (the ICC was one attempt to do so). Although there is proposed language making wars of aggression into a crime prospectively under the Rome Statute, it does not have retroactive effect. So suggesting that Bush could be tried as a war criminal for his war of aggression is, legally, a stretch. Not all unlawful conduct / violations of IL / breaches of IL constitute international crimes. Bush could, alternatively, be tried as a war criminal for torture that took place *during* the war.

      Beyond that, I don't know why Greenstein is wasting his time trying to litigate things Finkelstein says. The point is simply that IL is a good rallying point. Finkelstein is wrong about whether or not these are the things people want to hear, but as far as IL goes as an area of law, it sounds like Greenstein is purposely muddling different areas of law into a single mass. Poor research.

  • Chomsky on what 'everyone knows'
    • The biggest point that Chomsky (And JO) miss is that the BDS movement is not a panacea. It is only designed to put pressure on Israel to make concessions. In doing so, it is absurd to think that it is the job of Palestine activists living in America or Europe to make concessions because the demands are allegedly unrealistic for heads of state to implement. Moreover, it's hardly BDS activists who are dangling the right of return in front of Palestinian refugees. That is something that Israel and its Arab reactionary allies have been doing for years to keep them in perpetual statelessness; the RoR is simply an articulation of a rejection of exile.

  • White Jews: deal with your privilege and call out Jewish support for white supremacy
    • "do you mean the most obvious reason white jews are not calling out jewish support for white supremacy"

      Yes, and racism more generally.

      My response beyond that is that it appears to be that Leslie is suggesting that these folks are racist because they pass for white, the implication being that non-white Jews do not hold similarly racist ideas. I'd be interested to see if that's true; certainly it isn't in Israel.

      Beyond that, the general summary of the way the Jewish community views itself and its exploitation of black suffering while being complicit in its maintenance is more or less accurate. But I don't see the purpose of making these critiques without a program to challenge it. That is the reason I took aim at JVP, or at least National JVP -- I think that organization is very internally contradictory and despite talking about the privilege that (white) Jews have, they largely seem to trade in the same currency of privilege. I'd be interested to see them actually support the line of politics articulated by Leslie. Currently, they do not.

    • The most obvious reason this isn't happening is because groups like JVP themselves are not actually controlled by the faction represented by people like Lesley. Most of them don't condemn Zionism, and JVP as an org can't condemn Zionism either (which is probably why, in spite of all the strong language, this post only condemns the fact that white Jews benefit from being white in America, but not that all Jews -- including the black and brown ones -- are given a "promised land" through Zionism.

      The answer is not to have more internal dialogs about Jewish identity, it is to supportess the Palestinian and black struggles against Zionism and white supremacy full-stop.

      Many of us who have worked with some of JVP's leadership (including its few non-white members) have had disappointing experiences *within that organization* with how it deals with the fact that it is not a Palestinian-led organization. I think if the people who write articles like this are serious they should stop focusing on fixing Jewish identity and simply throw their support behind a Palestinian-led cause/movement/org.

  • Trump uses Barcelona attacks for incitement to mass murder of Muslims
  • Editors of 'Assuming Boycott' anthology speak out against anti-Semitism controversy at Queens Museum
  • Racial supremacy and the Zionist exception
    • There is a short Vice documentary that starts off with this. Something tells me they are not talking about Palestine.

  • American Jews have a right to resist Israel as Jews
    • Perhaps that's why the piece was written so ambiguously.

    • "Does a Jew who tries to impact Israel’s policy, even declaredly so, as a Jew, necessarily claim that they have a “much louder voice” than the non-Jewish natives?"

      Uh, yes? Where is Ofir's answer to this?

      If Gurvitz is arguing that Israelis have more of a say than American Jews by virtue of being Israeli, then I disagree with that. But if Ofir is arguing that American Jews have some sort of special qualification to speak, such as over Palestinian natives or simply other people with an opinion, that is a restatement of Zionism. That is literally what Zionism is. I don't know how or why Ofir wants to square that circle. Sounds like racism to me.

  • If you can't say 'equal rights,' I can't work with you
    • The author says he wants equal rights but admits his worldview is Judeocentric and comes primarily from his ties to progressives in the Jewish community. That is, it isn't Palestinian-led. Then he tells us that Holocaust deniers are apparently a bigger problem than Zionists. Last I checked, one of those two groups is able to lobby Congress for billions in weapons while the other is banned from voicing their bizarre view of history in most Western countries. This is respectability politics at its worst. Maybe Roger should ask why anyone who believes in equality would want to work with him

  • NBC plays up gruesome crashes in Tour de France-- then blames the riders
  • Nadia Hijab on Palestinian options, Jewish allies, and the Zionist crisis
    • This piece is very different from the one written by Nada Elia on the role of Jews in the movement:

      Frankly, I find this piece to be discrediting of Nadia Hijab. The coalition she mentions, USCPR has spent the last 15 years refusing to condemn Zionism as an ideology, building coalitions with liberal Zionists (read: racists), and ignoring the larger Palestinian, Arab, and Muslim communities from which most of our activism stems. The first part of the commentary Hijab gives more or less explains why: according to Hijab, Jews are particularly qualified to give their views because Zionism gives them that privilege. Instead of challenging this as what it is -- naked racism -- Hijab (not to mention the other liberals at USCPR) embrace it as though it is progressive. This is a fairly frank admission of the kind of racist politics that underlie the US Campaign.

      The rest of the piece is just standard liberal talking points. There is no serious discussion of Palestinian national self-determination or anything like that, in fact that rhetoric is being dishonestly paired with the Oslo surrender.

      This is a fairly succinct summary of everything that is wrong with liberal activism on Palestine. Very disappointing to hear such utter garbage from a prominent Palestinian. God knows it will simply give validation to racist Jewish liberals about how important they are.

  • Anti-Islamist chic
  • Anti-Semitism accusations against 'Dyke March' prove pro-Israel lobby will torch LGBT rights for marginalized people
    • @Elliot

      I checked your sources and all of them describe the same version of events with no material differences or inconsistencies between them; the JVP statement, which you asked me to "read again" says literally the same things I did.

      From the EI piece, the only eyewitnesses quoted are those from the FTP Collective and Stefanie Skora, who make the same point I/this piece did -- that the flags were ambiguous, and the holders were approached to asked what their intentions were given that the flag was ambiguous in meaning i.e. they did not simply reduce the issue to the flag itself, but the intentions of the flag holder. The FTP Collective did not mention the chants being drowned out as one of the factors for originally approaching AWB in conjunction with the flag, but it also didn't deny them. Therefore, there is no inconsistency.

      The JVP piece explicitly states "The A Wider Bridge contingent loudly encouraged fellow participants to erase mentions of Palestine during solidarity chants" before going on to discuss the fact that the flag is ambiguous and "not inherently connected to the State of Israel". In other words, the JVP version of events is identical to the one in the piece above and the version published by the Dyke March Collective. There is no difference or ambiguity. We are all talking about the same series of events.

      Lastly, there are the screengrabs themselves. Those show that the flag *in and of itself* is fine, but the spirit of the March and its support for Palestine were central. Again, consistent with saying that the flag was not a problem, rather the ideology held by the flag-holders and the way they used the flag to further that ideology was what was in question.

      Finally, you asked where it says they ever supported Palestine. The screenshots put that question to rest: they explicitly told Grauer that the March supports Palestinian liberation. Separate from that, the Dyke March statement also says that they published memes and art on their page suggesting their position, and Grauer had seen them. Moreover, even had they said nothing in advance, what difference does it make? They could also choose to express that position at the march itself. It is up to them, it is their march, not AWB's.

    • @Elliot

      I find your comments misleading. First of all, there aren't competing versions of what happened -- all appear to corroborate the same series of events, while attaching different significance to them.

      Re: the flag -- the issue, as is stated in the article above, is that the flag's symbolism was *ambiguous*. It only became clear what it meant *to the flag-holder* once that person expressed their views on Israel/Zionism. That is, nobody (including JVP) argued that the flag or Jewish symbols, in the abstract, are offensive, but that they can become offensive depending on how they are used. The JVP statement gave the examples of so-called "price tag" attacks in which Jewish symbols are used to vandalize Palestinian homes, or the use of the Star of David on Israeli warplanes, etc. Here, like there, the flag itself and the symbol itself were not a problem on their own. They only *became* a problem once it became clear that Grauer attached a Zionist significance to the symbol and was using the flag to signify support for Israel. The screengrab is also consistent with this version of events.

      That version of the events is consistent with *all accounts*, including Grauer's.

      "Haven’t you never marched with people whose views and chants are offensive or at least problematic? And remember that none of this wasn’t a Palestine solidarity march. These are not core issues."

      Uhh, actually, it was a Palestine solidarity march. That was the point. It wasn't just a general "lesbian march" or something. It was very clearly also a Palestine solidarity march, otherwise they would not have taken a stance on Zionism in the first place. You are misreading the platform of the march.

      As for marching with people who suck, yes, I've done it. I have also seen people get kicked out of marches for behaving inappropriately, for example, people who clearly hold the opposite views of those stated by the sponsoring organizations that are primarily there as provocateurs. Usually police are asked to remove them and send them to the other side of a barrier. Shouting down pro-Palestinian chanting when support for Palestine is part of the march's message is an obvious "evictable offense". You are trying to narrow the scope of what the marchers were marching about and ignoring the agenda that they set for themselves by replacing it with your own agenda. The whole point is that it *was* a core issue.

    • Would have been interesting to see them argue such a blatantly stupid position instead of claiming it was over their Jewish flags

    • Goldmarxx: if you don't think you are conceding anything, you should go back over your own comments in which you point to testimony suggesting this was about Israel.

      The presence of other visibly Jewish people at a small march who were NOT "interrogated" suggests that Jewishness was NOT a motivating factor in the initial "interrogation". Rather, as the piece suggests, it was Grauer's attempts to shout down pro-Palestine chanting. This, in conjunction with symbols whose meaning is ambiguous without greater context and commentary, plus the statements during the conversation, were grounds for the expulsion. Whether you think they were right or not, it is clear that it was over a political dispute over "Zionism" -- not Grauer's Jewish identity.

      Grauer's lip-service about Palestinian independence is irrelevant to the issue of "Zionism". Liberal Zionists and even official Israeli state maneuvering nominally accept Palestinian statehood, albeit over a shrinking landmass. Zionism is a question of identifying with the state engaging in the active colonization of Palestine, hence saying that one is ready to throw the Palestinians some leftovers in the abstract says nothing significant about one's stance on "Zionism".

    • @goldmarx, at this point it seems like you are conceding that the action was not apparently anti-Semitic, and could only be anti-Semitism "by code". The way to determine whether or not someone of any background was subject to covert discrimination would be to look at the actions that took place in a holistic manner.

      The fact that individuals were at the march publicly presenting themselves as Jewish without being asked to leave, the fact that Grauer concedes that she emphasized her support for Israel and thereby corroborated the claims of the organizers that it was about Israel rather than Jewishness, and the fact that the march organizers made exactly that distinction during previous conversations with Grauer (see the screengrab) would all indicate that she was not subject personally to anti-Jewish discrimination when being asked to leave. Hence, no anti-Semitism, just an attack on an LGBT march that embraced Palestinian rights.

  • Al-Quds Day protest and iftar in New York shows vigorous opposition to Zionism
    • @RoHa

      "But I see a difference between being prevented from entering part of the traditional territory by the imposition of a new border, and being driven out of home and forced to the other side of the border. The latter is what happened to many Palestinians."

      As you seem to admit, the crux of your position would not allow many Palestinians to cross into present-day Israel. For example, Palestinians who were born to refugees and were not originally themselves from the other side of the border would not be included. Likewise, Palestinians who always lived in the present-day OPT would not be allowed to cross into Israel, even though prior to Israel's existence, they could because the entire thing was a contiguous territory ("Palestine").

      Moreover, what are the "traditional territories of their ancestors"? If you are serious about such a statement, then Mexicans, regardless of where they are from today, would be able to cross into much of the western United States, which was seized from Mexico. Likewise, prior to colonization, many of these places did not have strict borders at all. They may have had different nations, but the existence of a strict geographical border that remains unchanging and is mutually recognized by other parties, etc. is a relatively new development in world history.

      Finally, I think it is clear that your position hinges on the legitimacy of a "new border". If you are willing to recognize the traumas and injustice that are created for many because of the imposition of new borders, I don't know why you would lend those new borders any legitimacy at all. Even people who are not personally displaced are affected by those borders.

    • Disagree with the contrast. Think of it this way.

      If a Palestinian living in the West Bank, Gaza, or in a refugee camp in Lebanon, wanted to cross into present-day Israel, is he an "undocumented migrant" or an "indigenous person" who is simply traversing his own historic lands? The imposition of an Israeli border allows us to morph a person who was at once able to cross freely, being an indigenous person in that land, into an immigrant. This is especially the case for Palestinians whose entire heritage is based in the West Bank or Gaza; if they and their families had always historically lived in Gaza or the West Bank, what are they but an "immigrant" when they try to cross into Israel/'48 Palestine? Prior to the existence of Israel or its borders, there would have been no issue. They may have been from a different part of Palestine, but all of Palestine was seen as a single territory. The imposition of borders allows people with historic ties to an area to become "foreign" over night, on the basis that while they may have claim to some parts of the land, they no longer have claim to all of it.

      Many undocumented immigrants are therefore also "indigenous" in that same sense. Many of them are from communities that were allowed to move back and forth freely across the US border, even if they themselves only lived on the other side of it. The only reason they now appear to be "foreign" in their own land is the imposition of a border by settler-colonists.

      Hence, if you want to analogize someone to the Zionists, it would not be the undocumented immigrants. Rather, it would be the settler-colonists who imposed the borders in the first place, namely the American settlers. The undocumented immigrants as well as indigenous Native Americans would be analogous to the Palestinian population as well as other local Arab populations that were able to cross freely until the settlers arrived and imposed their nation-state.

  • Israeli musicians to Thom Yorke: Canceling Radiohead show will disrupt Israel's 'business as usual' facade
    • You really think it's that strong? I've never heard of most of these people, and the ones I have heard of are not actually musicians, at least not professionally.

    • It might make future musicians think twice about booking tour spots though given the negative feedback.

  • A burning Zionist and non-Zionist debate the settlements
  • Mondoweiss is necessary—so Israel can’t silence me and other Palestinian journalists
  • The Palestinian minority inside Israel is our last chance for freedom
    • The crux of the author's argument is in this paragraph:

      "The trouble is, Palestinians in the Occupied Territories do not have the means to truly disrupt the Israeli economy nonviolently, as required from such a campaign. They are too isolated. This is where the nascent Palestinian population in Israel comes in. First, unlike Palestinians in the Occupied Territories, Palestinians in Israel are an important component in the Israeli economy, all of them participating in one way or another. Second, they have access to Israel’s political and legal infrastructure, and 69 years of experience navigating it. Third, despite the state’s best efforts, they are in one way or another integrated into Israel’s social fabric. While many Jews do not know any Palestinians, all Palestinians living in Israel have Jewish-Israeli colleagues."

      The author is dramatically overstating his case. First, what constitutes an "important component in the Israeli economy" is determined entirely by Israeli policymakers. The reality is that prior to the 2nd intifada, Palestinians in the OPT were also "an important component in the Israeli economy" as a pool of exploitable labor. It was not until the military restrictions on Palestinian movement picked up that Israel limited their use as laborers and began importing labor from other countries where labor is cheap. So long as Palestinians in Israel remain a largely destitute class subject to many (if not all) of the restrictions as Palestinians in the OPT, they can easily be replaced with foreign labor. On the other hand, if Palestinians in Israel begin to obtain a greater stake in Israeli capitalism, they will be less likely to be thrown under the bus; but the consequence is that they will also have far less incentive to challenge Israel or Zionism.

      The second point is equally superficial. What does "access to Israel's political and legal infrastructure" mean when Israel remains a discriminatory ethnocracy? Moreover, does the author believe that Palestinians can meaningfully use this infrastructure to challenge Israel's military policies? Its border policies? This is an incredibly "neutral" view of a state that has spent the last 50 years navigating between giving Palestinians in Israel citizenship and wholly denationalizing them. Graveyards are full of the bodies of marginalized people that made the mistake of trusting the legal system and its navigability.

      The third point makes no sense at all. "They are in one way or another integrated into Israel's social fabric." Oh? Assuming that were true for a second, then, what does that mean other than that they are the worst possible allies for Palestinians in Gaza or the West Bank -- or, for that matter, those in exile? If the Palestinians in Israel are to become some kind of independent political block to challenge Zionism, they would have to be *UNintegrated from the fabric of Israeli society, so that they would have an incentive to challenge that very social fabric as it expands into the West Bank.

      Moreover, given the fact that different communities of Palestinians in Israel face different challenges, their role as a single block cannot be maintained. This is largely a fiction of the post-Oslo setting in which Israel has divided the Palestinians neatly into 3 camps, even though in practice, those camps are never as homogeneous as they seem. To the extent that there are Palestinian communities in Israel that could help mobilize resistance to Zionism, there will also be many -- both in Israel, and frankly, in the West Bank -- who will not see any incentive to do so.

  • 'This occupation must end,' Bernie Sanders says, in video to Israelis on 50th anniversary
    • The reason he isn't taking even stronger positions is not his fault, it is ours. The Palestine solidarity movement is held together with paper clips and stilts.

  • With steadfastness: a report from Palestine
    • Okay, as usual, I'll just be honest: what the hell is the point of these kind of pieces?

      It used to be that we had almost no access to people in Palestine, and the best we could do is whatever some white Jewish kid from America who whizzed past all the checkpoints and came back had to say about it. Now we can quite literally speak to people like Issa. I mean, I'm pretty sure I'm mutual friends with Issa Amro on Facebook, and that doesn't include the opportunities to speak to him whenever he travels to the United States. In fact, Issa published here on MondoWeiss less than 2 weeks ago!

      Frankly it would have been a better piece if he had spoken to other people that haven't been vetted by Jews living in America, although those people can also, straightforwardly, speak to us directly. Many (most?) Palestinians speak English and the ones who don't can easily translate. Or, he could have also written some political analysis about the situation that wouldn't require him to be some kind of intermediary. Or, he could have noted some of his own observations instead of relaying someone else's comments.

      So, I ask -- what is the point of this? To have a white kid from Boston be the completely unnecessary intermediary between the MW audience (mostly American leftists) and the Palestinian population? One which can speak for itself? What does this do other than objectify the Palestinian population while giving white Jews in America all the agency, the role of the protagonist, etc? This kind of crap is unnecessarily harmful and has contributed to the climate in which Palestinians are seen as "less credible" when talking about their own experiences instead of having them being narrated by white Jews.

  • Liberal Jews stage sit-in to block annual 'Jerusalem Day' march into Muslim Quarter
    • jd65, first of all that is a silly thing to ask for. No group that purposely punts and takes unprincipled stances is going to admit that they are unprincipled.

      As for being a liberal Zionist organization, the fact that they "don't take a unified stance on BDS, Zionism, statehood" is their admission. In practice, nobody takes a stance on any of those matters by default, and by refusing to endorse BDS they are effectively saying they oppose it for all intents and purposes. Indeed it would be difficult to see what else not supporting BDS would look like. Likewise, when you contrast their principled support for other things, the effect of punting on Zionism is to say that Zionism is acceptable, and any opposition to it is not representative to the group. These are matters where the lack of an affirmative position/statement/organizational policy effectively signifies the opposite policy.

      As for telling INN to go away -- this is the THIRD time I have seen INN actively freeze out protests by Palestinians and people of diverse backgrounds. During an anti-ZOA protest, they allowed activists to hold up pro-Israel and pro-Zionist slogans (including the fascist "Am Israel Chai") while ejecting Palestinian students and other anti-Zionists. In DC, they staged a sit-in against AIPAC while Palestinian community organizers had been organizing their own demonstration for weeks and INN had been asked repeatedly to support that instead. And now they are holding a flashy sit-in while Palestinian community groups were protesting both next to them in Jerusalem specifically and throughout Palestine generally for weeks. The sole effect of these kinds of interventions is to reset the discussion to diversity of opinions within the Jewish community, freezing out the Palestinians from having any agency even in Palestine itself. So I repeat: fuck INN. This is what one step forward, two steps back looks like.

    • So now liberal Zionists can co-opt Palestinian resistance in Palestine too? Fuck INN, just go away.

  • Palestinian hunger strike spreads outside prison walls, but JVP says NYT hasn't kept pace
    • I'm a little confused why, when hundreds of imprisoned Palestinians are standing up for their own rights, you still decided to make a flashy Jewish-American liberal organization and its leader into the protagonist of this story. Let the Palestinian population narrate their own struggle instead of trying to inject JVP into literally everything.

  • Yet another young American Jew has had it with Israel
    • No, we are living in an age of Jewish criticism of Israel. There is almost no meaningful challenge of the notion that Jews constitute a national group with racialized ties to a foreign, settler-colonial state. Indeed, such critiques continue to be sidelined. It is important to recognize this difference if we want to move forward.

  • Gilad Atzmon’s attack against me – the 'merchant of JVP'
    • "I am not a Zionist but I am a very proud Jew and hopefully soon Israeli."

      So you're not a Zionist, but you're proudly moving to a settler-colonial state that permits you to live on someone else's land on the basis of your Jewishness?

      What is the purpose of this kind of engagement with Israel? You want equality but you will physically move to the settler-colony, where you will legitimate its institutions by paying taxes and participating in Israeli national life? This is a very odd decision on your part, the kind that makes me question what kind of solidarity movement is being built here in America.

    • Hi Jonathan,

      I'm sorry you had such a negative experience with GA on the internet, but given how many internet creeps there are in this Movement, I think it is worth reflecting on why this particular creep keeps getting so much attention.

      GA mixed anti-Semitic rhetoric with genuine critiques about privileging Jewish voices, and nowhere is the latter more obvious than in the management of JVP -- from the name to the organizational makeup to the constant lagging behind the rest of the movement to the repeated insinuations that Arab anti-colonial sentiment is unacceptable or even anti-Semitic, etc.

      Those matters deserve to be critiqued; they are far greater obstacles than anti-Jewish fringe writers. I worry that excessive focus on GA and failure to criticize him for the right reasons contributes to mystifying this greater issue.

  • New York rabbi links Jewish Voice for Peace to Osama bin Laden and Assad
    • Well if JVP's position on Wahhabism or Ba'athism is the same as its position on Zionism, then they don't take a position, recognizing that it is a sensitive subject.

      On the other hand, if JVP's position on Wahhabism or Ba'athism is similar to their position on anti-Semitism, they will now proceed to defend themselves from these charges by turning around and accusing the rest of us of being Wahhabists or Ba'athists, secretly attacking us in private and then telling their own membership to piss up a rope when we complain.

  • Barghouti: BDS is growing as Israel becomes associated with far-right movements around the world
    • That's a pretty friendly reading of the writings of a bumbling opportunist. The guy says boycotts are good to bring about a two-state solution and starts the entire piece of talking about how great the ADL is. Not exactly an endorsement of BDS, maybe more like a criticism of the laws restricting it and a proposal for a boycott based on lesser demands a la Peter Beinart.

  • 'We need revolutionary visions and radical imaginations' -- a report from JVP
    • It took JVP over a decade to condemn BDS and only now are they even talking about "Zionism," which they have sufficiently mystified such that most just think it means "Support for Israel". The issue of Jewish ethnic nationalism that underlies Zionism has gone completely without any real critique, in part because groups like JVP are premised on the racist notion of privileging Jewish voices in the discussion about Palestine. The fact that they have a token person of Sephardic/Mizrahi/African background make a fiesty statement or that they had Rasmea make a statement doesn't change that. Functionally speaking, the people who organized this conference -- and made a killing off registration fees which were almost $600 per person -- have consistently prevented people from both inside and outside the Jewish community from taking stronger stances on the liberation of Palestine. The people involved in JVP's National Branch are completely aware of their privileged place within the movement by virtue of being Jews, and mostly white ones at that -- they've issued statement after statement admitting so. But despite recognizing their privilege they continue to use it to dominate organizing spaces and take over grassroots movements, not to mention suck millions of dollars out of it and use it for salaries. I remain unimpressed. I think the better answer would be for the people who attended this conference to simply go back to the communities they work in and join other organizations that are working on the issue. To the extent JVP is even necessary it should be a secondary organization to protect the rest of us from accusations of "Jew-hatred," but judging by the repeated attacks on other organizers and activists (Miko Peled, Alison Weir, Helen Thomas all come to mind) they haven't even done that properly. They also spent thousands of dollars on a YouTube video once. A very strange NGO. They and If Not Now are the embodiment of how dysfunctional the discussion about Palestine is within the United States, and how low the standards of "solidarity" are.

  • Young Jews resist AIPAC-- even as Democrats' 'progressive' thinktank sends a crew to speak there
    • Frankly IfNotNow and CodePink have horrible politics, effectively trying to exclude Palestinian and anti-Zionist perspectives from their organizing. IfNotNow is chauvinist in its outlook, while CodePink is a standard white liberal org that similarly prevents criticisms of Zionism. Both groups only accept limited policy-related criticisms of Israel, and INN doesn't even endorse BDS.

      Another organization, Al-Awda, was organizing a much more important rally at the same time. Unfortunately, after years of political repression (including police infiltration), internal fighting, and mismanagement by its Cleveland branch, Al-Awda backed out of the rally and it is basically just one guy and his friends.

      A very sorry statement about where we are in national politics in dissenting against the Israel Lobby. I'm hoping next year's demonstration will be A) more attuned to ensuring the primacy of Palestinians (not just by having token Palestinians like at US Campaign but rather by having the Palestinian national narrative as the central theme); B) recognizing that AIPAC is not just bad for Jewish people but bad for the world; and C) will not allow Jewish voices to overshadow and marginalize other communities even in the realm of dissent.

  • Zionism and feminism are incompatible, leftwing voices say
    • @Phil and @Mondo,

      This is a great article, but is there a reason you basically left out Lamis Deek, who issued a powerful 6 minute condemnation of Zionism on the stage at the Women's Strike, with a Palestinian flag fluttering behind her?

      The only mention of Lamis is in passing: "You, Lamis Deek, Rasmea Odeh, among others..."

      I would suggest actually publishing the video and perhaps including it in the article:

  • Open Letter: Against the blacklisting of activists and writers
    • MondoWeiss was one of the few publications to post a defense of Alison Weir (although it was paired with a condemnation of her), as well as a longer letter demanding an end to "divisive attacks" that defended Alison Weir as well as Miko Peled and others. Judging by the comments here and the statements by many of the people who work with and have published at MondoWeiss I think very few people at MW think Alison Weir was treated fairly, but that's just a guess.

      Gilad Atzmon is another story, I think that guy made an effort to discredit himself.

    • Have to say I agree with this. A number of these names have been involved in assisting in silencing other voices, including at SJP. Last year around this time, an SJP in California cancelled a talk featuring a Nakba survivor and another Palestinian refugee after caving to pressure from their administration, and they sought to save face by claiming it had something to do with "anti-Semitism" (Alison Weir, who has been accused of anti-Semitism, was in the audience handing out flyers). Some of these same people did not seem to mind shutting down a Nakba survivor because Alison Weir was handing out flyers, including Rania Khalek and Ali Abunimah who tweeted his support of the cancellation. And now she wants to complain that a group rescinded their discretionary invite over her views on Syria?

      I also don't know how anyone can deny that Rania is an Assad apologetic, if she were to voice the same views about Israel as she has regarding the Syria situation I wonder if there would be any doubt that she would be an "Israel apologetic". Frankly Palestine is enough of a minefield, there is no need to start spewing clickbait in defense of Bashar Al-Assad and other cartoon villains.

  • Wave of bomb threats renews charge that anti-Semitism is fueled by BDS
    • "IfNotNow, a group focused on ending American Jewish support for Israel’s occupation but takes no position on the BDS movement, is one progressive group that..."

      This statement is a contradiction in terms. If Not Now takes no position on BDS, which translates to being against it (you either boycott something or you don't, if you're not boycotting then you are against BDS). If that is the case then they are not a "progressive group".

      It is bad enough that Zionist groups are trying to slander Palestine activism by tying it to anti-Semitism, we should reject the attempt to find token Jewish groups that reject this worldview when they are unprincipled on Palestine. The attempts to characterize Palestine solidarity as "anti-Semitic" is part of the Zionist worldview and is based on the same racism that regards Black Lives Matter as "anti-white". We should not play into their propaganda by promoting Jewish groups that themselves have unprincipled views on Palestine, even if they don't agree with the smears.

  • Trump says he's 'happy' with one-state outcome, ringing in a new era
    • The "Solidarity Movement" is acting as though this is a good thing, and bringing up South Africa. South Africa ended awfully. Blacks are still ghettoized and treated with utter contempt -- and that is *after* they achieved formal equality, not before. There is no guarantee that this will make the choice on Israel/Palestine as painfully clear as these pieces make it out to be. It could very well make the issue's international character disappear, resulting in Palestine being simply one of many places where racial discrimination takes place, with no international implications because the discrimination takes place within rather than between states. Annexation would also create a significant bar to international pressure even were international sentiment to be kept up. In short these pieces seem to think that ushering in an era of uncontested Israeli hegemony is somehow going to magically transform into democracy, or at the very least, that it will be easier to obtain. That is incredibly foolish.

  • The immaculate conception of Louis Brandeis
    • Good piece, but I too noticed the conspicuous absence of any mention of Alison Weir. Given that she's pretty much the only person who has written in great depth about Brandeis' involvement in Zionism I think that is an odd slip. But perhaps I'm reading into it too much.

  • Deborah Lipstadt's double standard on white nationalism and Jewish nationalism
    • Without defending Lipstadt's overall wordview, I have to ask, where in the excerpt is she defending Jewish nationalism? It sounds like she is simply criticizing the (alleged) leftist tolerance of anti-Semitism. It would be a sign of hypocrisy if, for example, she failed to criticize perceived anti-white bias by black activists, as that would be the analogy to anti-Jewish bias by Palestine activists. However, I don't see any of the quotations suggesting that. She is slamming white supremacy and also slamming the (alleged) left-wing anti-Semitism. It may very well be that she is wrongly conflating anti-Zionism with anti-Semitism (the Corbyn and college campus references would suggest so) but she doesn't come out and say what she considers anti-Semitism to be. So I don't think it's necessarily hypocritical of her. That being said I've always considered her to be somewhat of a huckster whose primary fame comes from being sued by a neo-Nazi. A very bizarre affair.

  • Tulsi Gabbard's screw-the-neocons meeting with Trump sparks anger, derision, encouragement
  • Rally marks the rebirth of the New York Jewish left
    • I have to say that this article is fairly inaccurate. It is not the rebirth of the Jewish left or of any left at all. It was a restatement of liberal Zionism. Anyone who attended the shitshow rally that Rob describes would have been greeted with signs that said things like "Zionism and Bigotry Don't Mix" and Israel ultranationalist slogans like Am Israel Chai.

      The rally was very much a Zionist rally and it was clear that a significant number of the people (not to mention deeply chauvinistic and racist organizations like If Not Now, which opposes "the occupation" but fights against BDS and the like) were not there for Palestinian rights, or rather, that it was not a matter around which these people were particularly principled. It seemed that many people were there because of the prevailing view that Bannon is anti-Jewish (something that has been challenged on MondoWeiss by Phil). Bannon's blatant and obvious genocidal anti-Muslim prejudices were secondary and the obvious fact that Bannon and the Zionist Organization of America go quite well together was being challenged by those who cannot accept that Zionism is, in fact, a deeply racist endeavor.

      Palestinians who attended the rally were shown the door for challenging Zionism outright and at least one Palestine student group received some angry letters about alienating Israeli Jewish liberals and the importance of the Meretz Party (?). In short it was similar to other very white rallies against Donald Trump: it emphasized the concerns of the dominant ethnic groups (in this case, Jews concerned about Bannon's alleged anti-Semitism) while equivocating or even wholly dismissing the systematic racism against Muslims, Arabs, and other marginalized groups.

      Rob might have considered using this as an opportunity to be critical of the deep-rooted racism amid the Jewish liberal groups that put the rally together rather than tout them as a sort of renaissance of Jewish resistance. The effect of continuing to reduce INN, JFREJ and JVP to part of a "Jewish tradition to fight for egalitarian ideas" in the same sentence that he concedes that several of them don't even boycott Israel amounts to little more than a whitewash. The rebirth of the Jewish left cannot happen without a principled shift on Palestine, and that can start by recognizing the significance and importance of Palestinians and their organizations in mobilizing for change.

  • New statement calls on the movement to focus on Palestine, not divisive internal conflicts
    • A great and valuable statement.

      I'd like to address two criticisms:

      1) I suspect that this is not a generalized "unite for Palestine" statement, which is why it says nothing about Syria. It is explicitly written in the introduction that this was written in the aftermath of JVP's very public insult at Miko Peled. Given that JVP's leadership explicitly pointed out that Miko has particular responsibilities to be careful in his rhetoric because he is a white, Jewish, Israeli guy and has immense privilege on the issue, it is unsurprising that the same scrutiny is being applied to JVP. This petition is a long overdue statement calling out JVP's consistent attempts to police the rhetoric of the solidarity movement to privilege Jewish voices and Jewish dissent. It is not a generalized statement about every possible fissure within the movement (Syria, etc). Nada Elia recently wrote a piece challenging this line of reasoning on this very website. These kinds of challenges are overdue and the fact that JVP believes it is appropriate to release such statements without even being asked is all the more reason for a public rebuke.

      2) Others are (again) making a fuss about Alison Weir. About 2,000 activists rejected these insults against Weir, including the heads of several major anti-discrimination organizations and world-renowned peace and justice activists. The notion that they are part of some sort of racist conspiracy is ludicrous. Moreover, as the petition points out, the allegations against Weir were pretextually used to justify shutting down two Palestinian refugees from speaking about the Nakba while Weir happened to be present. If Weir is suspect for challenging "Jewish power," discussing the Israel lobby in exaggerated terms, or touching on taboo topics, then MondoWeiss is suspect for the same reasons. The effect of these kinds of insinuations is to cast aspersions on a significant part of the anti-Zionist movement, which is exactly the purpose of making these kinds of cheap allegations.

  • NYC city council anti-BDS bill meets resistance from protesters
    • Wilson,

      This is a great article, but you left out some of the groups that were so instrumental to this action. The people who disrupted and who had organized this action were from a number of groups not represented in the press conference, including New York City Students for Justice in Palestine, Al-Awda NY, and the New York 4 Palestine Coalition.

      Especially considering that those groups are all heavily Palestinian I think it is important to make sure their organizing involvement is included. The only policy position on Palestine that you included was from Pam Sporn, who framed her dissent as a "Jewish" dissent and completely ignored the refugees. Of course her opinion and support are important, but I think you should make sure that when you cover these events that you don't give short shrift -- even unintentionally -- to Palestinian groups that have different politics like Awda.

      My 2 cents.

  • Hundreds of Jews march for 'Black Lives Matter' in New York
    • Really? it's an "important shift for our struggle to free Palestine" that a bunch of Jews in New York decided to support BLM?

      I kind of assumed that the liberation of Palestine would be at the hands of Palestinians, but I guess the measure of whether or not Palestine will be free is dependent on how the members of the community that is entitled to their land feel, and about a different race-related issue at that.

      Honestly this entire article is an erasure. We hear Jews talking about blacks, and there's some mention of Israel sprinkled on top of it. It's great that people of all backgrounds support BLM and that BLM has in turn defended Palestine, but to suggest that this is a sign of the coming liberation smacks of delusion and deep-seated racism. Please rethink your words.

  • In overwhelming vote, leading Lutheran branch calls on US to cut off aid to Israel
    • Yes, but what is to say that a resolution that actually mentioned the majority of the Palestinians wouldn't have passed? Did they field such a resolution? It is not a question of "purity". The simple fact is that when one boycotts or divests, there is an expectation that the boycott/divestment will "end" once certain demands are met. If the refugees aren't mentioned, that implies that it does not need to be addressed before investment continues.

      The other issue is that a significant chunk of the "BDS" Movement very vocally shunned Norman Finkelstein for suggesting that it was not possible to get a large movement of people together without removing the refugees and recognizing Israel, as part of a 2-state solution. If this is a success for BDS and a sign of progress then those people who shunned Finkelstein owe him an apology and should be ashamed of their duplicity.

    • It is great but what does this say for "BDS"? The Church explicitly reaffirms the two-state solution and there is literally 0 mention of the refugees. I don't mind the former, but the demands we make are what will decide when the investments are put back into place. Efforts like this essentially mean that a just settlement for the refugee population is not necessary before the Church begins investing in Israel or resuming calls for US support for Israel again. It also shows that the people who are in charge of much of this kind of activism (US Campaign, Anna Baltzer, JVP) do not consider that a requirement for our advocacy.

      I wonder how many Lutherans would have changed their vote had the campaign at the very least included some sort of rhetoric about UN 194. My guess is, given that it is a humanitarian matter, not much; but they have all but removed the Right of Return anyway. I remember a close friend showing me that for years, there was some sort of feud between Al-Awda (a major Palestinian-American refugee organization) and the US Campaign, apparently over the Campaign's refusal to advocate for the right of return, which the US Campaign denied. And yet here we see them plastering their names all over a resolution that all but erases the Nakba. In fact the only place it is even mentioned is on the Isaiah 58 website in one of its informational sections; but in advocating for peace and so on, it is all about 1967. Hmmmm...

    • Virtually every student I've met who has attended the "National SJP Conference" came back disillusioned. Last I remember they were using money they raised, much of it from grants from liberal NGOs, to give their own members paid vacations to foreign conferences, spreading all sorts of rumors among the student body, accusing their own members of "anti-Semitism" and not taking Palestinian voices seriously (unless they were token Palestinian voices that would promote Jewish voices). There were also some allegations of sexual harassment but for obvious reasons I can't comment on that other than from what I heard from the victims, it was never dealt with. There was some sort of town hall in 2014 in which the students who attended lambasted the people in charge, but from those who told me about it nothing has changed and they just ignored all of the complaints.

      To be clear, that isn't a slight against individual SJP chapters, but this "National" SJP conference is run by its own group of self-appointed PhDs from wealthy schools like Columbia and Harvard. They have very poor reputations in the world of student organizing, I wouldn't recommend advertising for them. Especially considering you've called on BDS to "abolish the state of Israel". That is the kind of rhetoric that is unacceptable to people in NSJP, they are trying to pander to Jewish liberals, they don't say the "Z" word, etc.

  • Israeli racism unmasks Netanyahu goodwill video
    • Also, not completely sure but I think the three words of Arabic at the beginning are wrong. I think he is trying to say "Dear Arab citizens," but he said "Citizenship of the Arabs" and then a non-existent word. Again, not sure because I'm not an Arabic pro but then again I'm not making propaganda videos to justify subjugating them.

    • Why did he need to remind Israeli Arabs that 20% of Israel is Arab? And why'd he need to do that in English?

      He not only erased the millions of "Arabs" i.e. Palestinians that have been banished to the hell that is the refugee camps, he has millions more under military occupation. The only "Arabs" that appear to matter are the ones who have been granted the illusion of citizenship, and Mr. Netanyahu managed to whitewash the sheer brutality of the police services against them while audaciously suggesting that the real issue is not enough stormtroopers. Good riddance!

  • The 'New York Times' is dead set on marginalizing Jewish anti-Zionism
    • I don't think it was fair for Eric Walberg to throw Atzmon and Sand in the same article. Sand's critiques of Zionism are what an actual critique of Zionism and identity politics looks like. Gilad Atzmon's narrative is, simply put, anti-Jewish. Zionism is seen as an outgrowth of Jewish culture alone, alongside Marxism and communism. It is no wonder that Atzmon has such a strong far-right following.

      Sand, if I am understanding him correctly, is pointing out that the notion of a secular Jewish identity is based on a nationalist myth concocted by pro-Israel groups, and he is upset that as a non-practicing Jew, his Jewish status gives him racist privileges in Israel. That is not the same as saying Zionism is an outgrowth of Judaism, but rather that the notion of a singular, united, international secular Jewish identity is an outgrowth of Zionism.

      More importantly, there is something called Jewish anti-Zionism (the Bund, etc.). I think the bigger point is whether or not Jews who oppose Zionism, whether out of Jewish values or anything else -- like others who oppose Zionism -- are doing so in a way that does not marginalize other anti-Zionist voices. In my opinion, many have not been careful, arguing that their Jewishness makes their opposition more legitimate and their voices more important; and it is not just them, but Palestinians and others who also think it is appropriate to privilege Jewish voices.

      But there are others who are Jewish and oppose Zionism out of general humanistic values that are not contradictory to the values of secular Jewish culture that has developed throughout the world. What's wrong with that?

  • Using Rep. Johnson's innocent comment to stain his reputation was the real crime
    • I wonder if Ali Abunimah will gather 17 Palestinians to disavow Hank on behalf of the entire Movement.

  • Meet Ali Kurnaz, young Democratic leader who lifted Palestinian flag on convention floor
  • Support for Rep. Hank Johnson following mischaracterization of his remarks on settlements
    • Oh good, you didn't hire a lawyer to look through everything he's ever written to characterize him as a creeping Nazi apologist the way you did with Alison Weir. Thanks guys, I wasn't sure how you'd react.

  • Hillary Clinton gains backing of neocon megadonor who funds Islamophobic groups
  • Why Trump's revolution succeeded, and Bernie's fizzled
    • "Today the Republican establishment that supported war is in smithereens. While the Democratic establishment that supported war is stronger than ever."

      I disagree with this, a lot. Trump did not end the pro-war sentiment in the Republican Party. He simply replaced it with a much more aggressive and less diplomatic message. He has promoted everything from torture to air strikes, and one of his arguments against the Iraq War was that we should have been MORE aggressive in confiscating the Iraqi people's resources. He also railed against the Iran Deal and cites Netanyahu as his compatriot. And although he has said that we should avoid regime change, one should recall that that is exactly the same message that George W. Bush gave us before coming into office. So long as Trump and his party remain invested in Islamophobia and unlimited executive power while continuing to court Christian Evangelicals and Zionist lobbyists like Sheldon Adelson, there is nothing to suggest that Trump won't shoot for the same kinds of foreign aggression as his predecessors.

      As for Clinton, it is true that she is a war-hawk, but her Party has grown tired of it. She has turned on the Netanyahu switch to sway Trump voters, the same way Cruz did during the GOP primary. She is purposely pandering to people who are likely to vote for Trump. As for her own policies, she is also a warhawk, but given the pressure from within her own Party that nearly cost her the nomination, I doubt one can argue that the pro-war sentiment in the Democratic Camp is GREATER than in the Republican Party. To the extent that the Republican Party's pro-war camp is in "smithereens" it is only because they keep aggressively promoting terrible policies and discrediting themselves. That does not mean, however, that those pro-war influences are not still there and not dominant.

      So it would be more accurate to say that the Republican Party and the head of the Democratic Party are both still aggressively pro-war, but the Republican Party is simply put, quite bad at it.

  • 'Washington Post' publishes article by Jewish leader urging boycott of Israel
    • So...Rebecca's qualification to speak is that she is a Jew who raised kids inside the settler-colony?

      Great way to reaffirm to the American public who is allowed to speak from the whitest and most chauvinistic "solidarity" group in the movement. Didn't these people condemn Alison Weir for allegedly taking such an approach?

  • Palestinians in North America: Our rent to pay
    • I would point out that there are still some distinctions, particularly that Zionism is a latter-day settler-colonial project carried out in the ostensible age of "Decolonization," and that while the US settler-colonial project is unfortunately completed -- stretching between oceans and no longer requiring the deployment of military forces to subjugate and destroy, Israel is still in the throws of its "fortress" stage.

      Nonetheless the distinctions do not outweigh the similarities and the writer is correct that our activism here should involve greater work with the indigenous communities.

      I enjoy hearing Nada Elia's enlightened perspectives (this and the piece about ending the celebration of Jewish Dissent) and I hope MondoWeiss publishes more from this author.

  • NY state senator wants to cut off university funds to SJP
    • If they pull off these kinds of stunts they A) won't make SJP go away, as students can easily just raise money from the community, and B) they will make SJP more radical as the school won't have any leverage over the group anymore! On top of that they will be highlighting the Palestine Exception.

  • Holocaust survivor and activist for justice Hedy Epstein dies at 91
    • Hedy,

      I will always have the greatest respect for you. From hunger striking for the people of Gaza to defending Michael Brown and the people of Ferguson, to standing up for justice even if it meant alienating family members, you will always be a role model of self-sacrifice in my eyes.

      The vile campaign of invective that was directed at you by those who disagreed with your support for Alison Weir was particularly disgusting, and I praise your resilience in standing up for yourself even when your "allies" turn their backs on you.

  • It is time to stop celebrating Jewish dissent in the Palestine solidarity movement
    • Are you surprised, though? Liberal Jewish groups continue to make up the central infrastructure of the so-called solidarity movement (JVP, etc). They have explicitly grounded their strategy in identifying themselves as Jewish and therefore more "legitimate", and others tolerate them even when they take less than principled positions (i.e. JVP only targeting settlements with boycotts and refusing to endorse BDS until last March).

      Concerns about anti-Semitism that are totally exaggerated or outright fabricated are not just taken more seriously by administrators, city councilors, etc. They are taken more seriously within organizations as well.

      Your article is effectively pulling the carpet out from underneath a highly racist but dominant tendency within Palestine activism in America. I praise you for it and I agree with what you have said entirely, but I don't think it's revealing. What did you expect?

      And that's from comments on MondoWeiss. A friend of mine in a JVP chapter told me that the group is going to have some kind of meeting about it because someone was offended that your article was posted to one of their list-servs or something. Your article is making waves, and a significant number of people to whom I've shown it have simply gotten upset, said you are making up a problem, etc.

  • Why are American pro-Palestinian voices silent about the brutal war on Yemen?
    • For the record, it took years before any significant portion of Western society, including the "Left," decided to sympathize with Palestine. There is also the difference that Israel, unlike Saudi in Yemen, is a settler-colony, making Israel's crimes more than just a matter of invasion, but also one of territorial expansion, something that always looks palpably more brazen and is always illegal.

      Nonetheless the failure of the Western left to say or do anything significant about the Saudi bombardment of Yemen is conspicuous.

  • Roundtable on the Palestinian solidarity movement and Alison Weir
    • This is not a very "round" table. Kind of a 30 degrees of not-sure-how-to-tackle-this-one table.

      Why didn't MW reach out to Hedy Epstein, or Iyad Burnat, or Bassem Tamimi, all of whom have wholeheartedly supported Weir, or even some of the people that are regularly published at MW to speak about this?

  • 'I love Obama' 'You're infatuated' (The argument on the left)
    • Michael Smith's comments were accurate with two related exceptions.

      1) Obama did not "end the occupation of Iraq" only to support terrorist violence against the Iraqi regime. That sounds like FOX News-style propaganda. It's one of the strange aspects of our time that Stalinist "Tanky" propaganda sounds so similar to right-wing war propaganda, from the discussions about Syria to Iraq to Ukraine. In reality, Obama continued the war in Iraq for 3 years and drastically reduced troop involvement only when outside forces, namely the ongoing mass popular resistance in Iraq coupled with the revelations from WikiLeaks forced him to make (delayed) good on his prior campaign promises.

      Obama did not support the terrorist violence in Iraq (I assume Smith means ISIS) except according to the Tanky-meets-FOX line in which any group that opposes the Syrian regime for any reason is basically ISIS. Of course, it is ironic that at the same time the Stalinist narrative posits ISIS as a threat to the Syrian "resistance regime," there is no recognition that the regime it is fighting in Iraq was entirely built by US imperialism.

      It is more accurate to say that Obama pulled troops from Iraq under massive international pressure while continuing to back the US-installed regime in Iraq with billions of dollars, even though that regime was falling into the hands of the Iranians. And that is what explains, at least in part, Obama's attempt to negotiate with Iran: The Iranians won in Iraq, and it would mean allowing the US-cultivated sectarian regime of death in Iraq to completely collapse if they avoided some sort of diplomatic arrangement with Iran.

      2) Phil is right to praise Obama, although he does so excessively. Obama is not a "man of the left" for most of the reasons Smith points out, although given all the other bizarre, kooky non-sense that sometimes qualifies as "left" I don't know why it matters or why that is a significant label. Obama is not a "leftist". On the economy his policies, believe it or not, are rooted in the kind of neoliberal garbage promoted by Reagan. On the military front his policies match up with George H.W. Bush. The only place where he is nominally liberal is on social issues like gay rights, and even there it took him (and the rest of the Washington establishment) years to catch up with the country.

      But, regardless of his reasons or his motives, he does in fact deserve praise when he does something right. But that is true whether he is Obama or Dubya. On this occasion, he has done something right: he has called on the Washington Zionist traveling circus to check itself before it wrecks itself. The cards on the table say that it is time for the US to end its jingoism against Iran. Those cards are:

      A) Iran stabilizing the US-sponsored bloodbath in Iraq and inheriting the sectarian regime there.
      B) Iran's closest ally, Syria, surviving the Arab Spring because none of the factions within Syria were able to mobilize effective opposition.
      C) Israel re-electing a leader with no long-term thought process who openly disavowed the fake US-sponsored "peace process" while carrying out a third large-scale massacre in Gaza within 6 years.

      Those cards mean that while Israel is seen as more and more of a strategic and diplomatic liability, Iran is more and more of a strategic asset. Obama is simply weighing the geopolitical costs and balances. That is not "leftism," that is just statecraft.

  • In effort to thwart BDS, some Israel supporters urge partial settlement freeze
    • How does this vindicate BDS?

      If anything it vindicates Peter Beinart. They are playing on the fact that settlements alone should be pulled because of the harm to Israel's image internationally. The same pressure could be applied using settlement-focused boycotts in the way that Beinart advocated and in the way that generations of Israeli faux left groups advocated.

      Virtually all of the recent BDS "wins" have been occupation-focused and settlement-focused, including the UCC "win". If anything the "victories" in question vindicate some of the comments made by anti-BDS campaigners like Finkelstein, who said that a broad-based focus on the occupation would make more in-roads and get Israel to make serious concessions.

      If partially reducing FDI in Israel or getting right-wing Israeli officials to try to apply the same "formaldehyde" to some of the Zionist settlements in the West Bank that they did in Gaza is a "victory," then BDS is not necessary for that. Instead, occupation-focused and settlement-focused boycotts are all that is needed.

      In reality this is simply a repeat of something that has happened throughout Israel's history, namely that international pressure focuses almost entirely on Israel's occupation and settlements and small concessions are offered by even the most right-wing administrations. Dov Weisglas made that clear when he referred to the Gaza disengagement as a "formaldehyde" for the peace process.

      If BDS wants to make in-roads in order to isolate Israel then activists should be actually following the dictates of the NGOs and CSOs that called for it, especially given that they've long since ignored the actual mass movements on the ground in Palestine for being too Islamic for their tastes. The BDS call very clearly includes refugee rights and Omar Barghouti has himself emphasized again and again that he does not think it is pragmatic or ethnical to remove them, and yet every BDS resolution that has passed so far ignored the refugees. There isn't a single mention of them in the actual resolutions.

      This post implies that BDSers are now taking Finkelstein and Beinart's advice, focusing on ending the occupation and settlements, and that the new goal post for victory is small concessions like the Gaza disengagement. If that is a victory then quite frankly Palestine has been winning for many years. One step forward, two steps back.

  • Israeli propaganda dominates front page of 'New York Times' today
  • Can the US Congress bring justice for the Palestinians?: A response to Robert Naiman
    • Beinin is confusing a substantive disagreement with a formal one. It is true that JVP takes substantively better stances than J-Street. In fact it should not even be up for debate.

      But as Beinin points out, JVP also lobbies Congress. In fact, both groups, despite their substantive differences, have pursued similar strategies: courting donors, working within the liberal elements of the Jewish community, and so on. If anything, J-Street's position is less contradictory. It is a liberal Zionist group, and it is aware that it is a liberal Zionist group, which is why it can lobby Congress successfully, being able to claim powerful donors and a network of interests on its behalf by refusing to challenge Israel on substantive issues.

      JVP on the other hand takes an "anti-racist" stance while effectively operating as a Jewish communal organization. Their website used to contain content suggesting that their Jewishness made them "more legitimate" and Rebecca from JVP uses the same tokenizing rhetoric in much of her advocacy. Any attempt to point out the contradiction between rejecting a Jewish state while operating on the basis that Jews have a greater say in resolving the situation is ignored. They also purposely side-stepped the issue of Zionism which left them open to criticism when they went after Alison Weir. JVP is trying to be too many things. It wants to be anti-racist, but it also wants ethnic legitimacy. It wants to be a grassroots movement, but it also wants to affect those in power. It wants to be for the liberation of Palestine, but it cannot use "anti-Zionist" (read: anti-colonial) rhetoric.

      So what Naiman says is about JVP's current position is accurate. It is not a serious contender for power in Congress. It is a grassroots movement that is internally contradictory and that struggles to find itself within a climate of racism.

      I think JVP is trying to put a more professionalized, Congress-friendly spin on, but of course that is easier said than done. Even assuming they are able to raise enough money to form the kind of network that can seriously affect Congress, it is usually at the cost of taking the kinds of stances that achieve the more progressive goals that they have aligned themselves with, which would explain why it took JVP so long to endorse BDS and why it is still afraid of critiquing Zionism.

      If there is a time that JVP's positions will be mainstream enough to take it into Congress successfully it will likely be due to the activities of groups that take less contradictory stances.

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