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Inadequate religion

This is part of Marc H. Ellis’s “Exile and the Prophetic” feature for Mondoweiss. To read the entire series visit the archive page.

The death of Jewish worshippers yesterday is a profound tragedy – in a land where tragedies abound. Tragedy for those concerned and their loved ones. Beyond words.

But for those of us outside the murdered family and friendship circle, there is a choice. Either be silent or speak.

If we speak – since there’s no question that those murdered are already a political issue – what is there for us to say?

It isn’t easy to know but two examples from Jewish sources at least advise of what is inadequate.

First the words from Rabbis for Human Rights:

“God, how long shall the wicked,
how long shall the wicked exalt”
– Psalms 94:3

Rabbis for Human Rights expresses their deep shock at the attack on a synagogue today in Har- Nof, Jerusalem. We share in the grief of the families of the dead and pray for the full recovery of the wounded.

We condemn all acts of violence that harm human beings. Such measures diminish the Image of God within each one of us.

We consider these criminal acts as blasphemy and contempt against the Divine Image.

We demand that all leaders in the region take responsibility and act in order to extinguish the flames of hatred and violence burning across the country in general and in the city of Jerusalem in particular.

Now Jewish Voice for Peace:

May the memories of those
killed in senseless hatred
be for a blessing.

May their spirits be lifted up
and comforted in the close embrace
of God’s motherly presence.

May our precious children be safe from harm.

May all the children be our children.

May we protect all parents from mourning.

May our hearts and the hearts of our people
be healed quickly in our day
from the wounds of the past and present.

May every grieving parent find comfort.

May we live to see the day
when no parent has to grieve.

In all fairness to JVP, their opening prayer is one among others they offer, but the apolitical nature of their prayer and of the Rabbis for Human Rights statement is startling. Both strike me as regressions in light of their broader political work. That work could easily be invoked alongside the constantly invoked Christian prayers for the peace of Jerusalem and recent insufficient statement the churches made with regard to solidarity with Islamic worship at Al Aqsa.

For God’s sake, Jews and Palestinians are dying at worship, protesting in the street and in their daily lives because there is an ongoing war of attrition that relegates religious worship to a political act. That Palestinians and, yes, Jews die in the most tragic of ways in this war of attrition is a given. Appealing to the Divine Image, restraint and the hope that grieving parents will find comfort is inadequate to the needs of Jews and Palestinians at this late date.

The end is near. Perhaps it has already arrived. But bloodshed in Jerusalem and beyond won’t be remedied by these prayers and statements.

Perhaps Rabbis for Human rights and Jewish Voice for Peace will have more to say in the coming days. Surely, they can up their religious sensibility to respond to the downward spiral of a situation that couldn’t become worse. And will.

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I don’t get the “senseless hatred” part of JVP’s entreaty.

Nor do I get the opening of Rabbis for Human Rights:

“God, how long shall the wicked,
how long shall the wicked exalt”
– Psalms 94:3

Or maybe it’s just a balm for themselves and other Jews. But you are correct, Prof.:

“Both strike me as regressions in light of their broader political work.”

I hope that we will hear more, too.

Agreed. Prayer isn’t going to solve anything.
And using religion in this is a two edged sword— all religions should stick to simple calls for what is humane and right and for ‘justice’ —but too many fanatics will use religion as another log to throw on the fire.

The image problem of Islam is not anymore restricted to, or mainly originate from, what goes on in Israel-Palestine between Jews and Arabs – as was large the case only a decade and a half ago. And that is the biggest problem for those who conceived this atrocity in the synagogue, or stand behind it (e.g. Hamas). Accordingly, the role for Rabbis here is pretty limited – the focus will continue to be as ever on land, political and security issues.

Exult, not exalt. RHR is quoting vs.3 of Ps. 94, where for King James the wrongdoers ‘triumph’. The Psalm begins with the terrifying (or consoling) words ‘O God, to whom vengeance belongeth’. In the present context is this a cry for vengeance or for abstinence from vengeance pending divine judgement? How could we expect purely divine judgement to be shown?

RE: “The end is near. Perhaps it has already arrived. But bloodshed in Jerusalem and beyond won’t be remedied by these prayers and statements.” ~ Marc Ellis

THE “EXALTED TOTEM”* IS A TICKING TIME BOMB JUST WAITING TO EXPLODE!
* SEE: “Why rebuilding the Temple would be the end of Judaism as we know it”, By Tomer Persico, Haaretz.com, Nov. 13, 2014
The current drive of Jews, both Orthodox and secular, to ascend to the site of the Holy Temple and rebuild it, reflects a sea change in the Zionist camp.

[EXCERPTS] There is one overriding question that accompanies the Zionist project, wrote Gershom Scholem, the scholar of Jewish mysticism – “Whether or not Jewish history will be able to endure this entry into the concrete realm without perishing in the crisis of the messianic claim, which has virtually been conjured up.” The entry into history to which Scholem refers is the establishment of the state and the ingathering of the exiles, borne, as they were – notwithstanding their secular fomenters and activists – on the wings of the ancient Jewish messianic myth of the return to Zion. However, when Scholem published the essay “Toward an Understanding of the Messianic Idea in Judaism,” in 1971, the adjunct to the question was the dramatic freight of Israel’s great victory in the Six-Day War, four years earlier. . .

. . . It is not surprising, then, that the first group advocating a change in the Temple Mount status quo did not spring from the ranks of the religious-Zionist movement. The Temple Mount Faithful, a group that has been active since the end of the 1960s, was led by Gershon Salomon, a secular individual, who was supported – how could it be otherwise? – by former members of the Irgun and Lehi. It was not until the mid-1980s that a similar organization was formed under the leadership of a religious-Zionist rabbi (the Temple Institute, founded by Rabbi Yisrael Ariel) – and it too remained solitary within the religious-Zionist movement until the 1990s.

Indeed, in January 1991, Rabbi Menachem Froman could still allay the fears of the Palestinians by informing them (in the form of an article he published in Haaretz, “To Wait in Silence for Grace”) that, “In the perception of the national-religious public [… there is] opposition to any ascent to the walls of the Temple Mount… The attitude of sanctity toward the Temple Mount is expressed not by bursting into it but by abstinence from it.”

No longer. If in the past, yearning for the Temple Mount was the preserve of a marginal, ostracized minority within the religious-Zionist public, today it has become one of the most significant voices within that movement. In a survey conducted this past May among the religious-Zionist public, 75.4 percent said they favor “the ascent of Jews to the Temple Mount,” compared to only 24.6 percent against. In addition, 19.6 percent said they had already visited the site and 35.7 percent that they had not yet gone there, but intended to visit.

The growing number of visits to the mount by the religious-Zionist public signifies not only a turning away from the state-oriented approach of Rabbi Kook, but also active rebellion against the tradition of the halakha. We are witnessing a tremendous transformation among sections of this public: Before our eyes they are becoming post-Kook-ist and post-Orthodox. Ethnic nationalism is supplanting not only mamlakhtiyut (state consciousness) but faithfulness to the halakha. Their identity is now based more on mythic ethnocentrism than on Torah study, and the Temple Mount serves them, just as it served Yair Stern and Uri Zvi Grinberg before them, as an exalted totem embodying the essence of sovereignty over the Land of Israel.

Thus, in the survey, the group identifying with “classic religious Zionism” was asked, “What are the reasons on which to base oneself when it comes to Jews going up to the Temple Mount?” Fully 96.8 percent replied that visiting the site would constitute “a contribution to strengthening Israeli sovereignty in the holy place.” Only 54.4 percent averred that a visit should be made in order to carry out “a positive commandment [mitzvat aseh] and prayer at the site.” Patently, for the religious Zionists who took part in the survey, the national rationale was far more important than the halakhic grounds – and who better than Naftali Bennett, the leader of Habayit Hayehudi party, serves as a salient model for the shift of the center of gravity of the religious-Zionist movement from halakha to nationalism?

How did the religious-Zionist public undergo such a radical transformation in its character? A hint is discernible at the point when the first significant halakhic ruling was issued allowing visits to the Temple Mount. This occurred at the beginning of 1996, when the Yesha (Judea, Samaria, Gaza) Rabbinical Council published an official letter containing a ruling that visiting the Temple Mount was permissible, accompanied by a call to every rabbi “to go up [to the site] himself and guide his congregation on how to make the ascent according to all the restrictions of the halakha.”

Motti Inbari, in his book “Jewish Fundamentalism and the Temple Mount” (SUNY Press, 2009), draws a connection between the weakening of the Gush Emunim messianic paradigm, which was profoundly challenged by the Oslo process between Israel and the Palestinians, and the surge of interest in the mount. According to a widely accepted research model, disappointment stemming from difficulties on the road toward the realization of the messianic vision leads not to disillusionment but to radicalization of belief, within the framework of which an attempt is made to foist the redemptive thrust on recalcitrant reality.

However, the final, crushing blow to the Kook-based messianic approach was probably delivered by the Israeli withdrawal from the Gaza Strip, in 2005, and the destruction of the Gush Katif settlements there. The Gush Emunin narrative, which talks about unbroken redemption and the impossibility of retreat, encountered an existential crisis, as did the perception of the secular state as “the Messiah’s donkey,” a reference to the parable about the manner in which the Messiah will make his appearance, meaning that full progress toward redemption can be made on the state’s secular, material back.

In a symposium held about a year ago by Ir Amim, an NGO that focuses on Jerusalem within the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Haviva Pedaya, from the Jewish history department of Ben-Gurion University in Be’er Sheva, referred to the increasing occupation with the Temple Mount by the religious-Zionist movement after the Gaza pull-out.

“For those who endured it, the disengagement was a type of sundering from the substantial, from some sort of point of connection,” she said. “For the expelled, it was a breaking point that created a rift between the illusion that the substantial – the land – would be compatible with the symbolic – the state, redemption.” With that connection shattered, Pedaya explains, messianic hope is shifted to an alternative symbolic focal point. The Temple Mount replaces settlement on the soil of the Land of Israel as the key to redemption.

Many religious Zionists are thus turning toward the mount in place of the belief in step-by-step progress and in place of the conception of the sanctity of the state. The Temple Mount advocates are already now positing the final goal, and by visiting the site and praying there they are deviating from both the halakhic tradition and from Israeli law. State consciousness is abandoned, along with the patience needed for graduated progress toward redemption. In their place come partisan messianism and irreverent efforts to hasten the messianic era – for apocalypse now.

And they are not alone. Just as was the case in the pre-state period, secular Jews are again joining, and in some cases leading, the movement toward the Temple Mount. Almost half of Likud’s MKs, some of them secular, are active in promoting Jewish visits there. MK Miri Regev, who chairs the Knesset’s Interior and Environment Committee, has already convened 15 meetings of the committee to deliberate on the subject. According to MK Gila Gamliel, “The Temple is the ID card of the people of Israel,” while MK Yariv Levin likens the site to the “heart” of the nation. Manifestly, the division is not between “secular” and “religious,” and the question was never about observing or not observing commandments. The question is an attempt to realize the myth in reality.

Assuaging Ben-Gurion’s concerns, Israel remained without the Temple Mount at the end of the War of Independence in 1948. Not until the capture of East Jerusalem in 1967 did it become feasible to implement the call of Avraham Stern, and the ancient myth began to sprout within the collective unconscious. After almost 50 years of gestation, Israel is today closer than it has ever been to attempting to renew in practice its mythic past, to bring about by force what many see as redemption. Even if we ignore the fact that the top of the Temple Mount is, simply, currently not available – it must be clear that moving toward a new Temple means the end of both Judaism and Zionism as we know them.

The question, then, to paraphrase Gershom Scholem’s remark, with which we began, is whether Zionism will be able to withstand the impulse to realize itself conclusively and become history.

ENTIRE ARTICLE – http://www.haaretz.com/news/features/.premium-1.626327