Opinion

‘NYT’s ‘ideal’ of Israel leaves out history of militant Jewish supremacy

Israel’s steady lurch to the right is a predictable outcome for a country founded on Jewish supremacy and discrimination against Palestinians. 

Thomas Friedman’s latest essay in The New York Times, “What in the World is Happening in Israel?” and a recent Times editorial, “The Ideal of Democracy in a Jewish State Is in Jeopardy,” have a lot of accurate details, but miss the critical historical framework that explains that Israel’s steady lurch to the right is a predictable outcome for a country founded on Jewish supremacy and discrimination against Palestinians. 

Friedman mourns that the two-state solution is “in hospice,” a fact that became clear years ago after the glow of the Oslo Accords faded and the reality of endless occupation and the intransigence of US and Israeli negotiators became evident. Strangely, Friedman sees some kind of “rough equilibrium” and “a whole lot of pragmatic compromises and self-restraint exercised by all sides every day,” rather than an increasingly brutal military occupation and siege, and a slow burn of restricted possibilities, hopelessness, and rage in the occupied territories that predictably explodes when the oppression reaches intolerable levels. He describes this as “conflict porn” rather than what it is, Israeli attacks against Palestinian resistance and Palestinian opposition (mostly of the determined sumud, or steadfastness, variety as well as bursts of militancy). His framing belittles the reality of settler colonialism and defiance to it. He calls for Israel to practice “self-discipline” rather than to engage in a deep self-examination and civil rights struggle that might lead to enduring restorative justice.

Friedman is shocked that the incoming coalition government features the most racist, ultra-nationalist, anti-LGBTQI criminals in the history of Israel.  This election could also be viewed as the outcome of longstanding antidemocratic forces, an inheritance from fascistic leaders like Vladimir “Ze’ev” Jabotinsky, rabbis like Meir Kahane, the unwillingness of sequential Israeli governments (left to right) to control a violent and rabid settler movement, and even the consequences of the Zionist movement itself which preached not only Jewish nationalism, but Jewish supremacy.  

Even Abe Foxman, former director of the Anti Defamation League (ADL), is worried. “If Israel becomes a fundamentalist religious state, a theocratic nationalism state, it will cut Israel off from 70 percent of world Jewry,” he has said. With the incoming coalition government, ultra-Orthodox rabbis in significant political power, and exploding numbers of ultra-Orthodox children who receive no secular education and are destined to live in economically unproductive poverty, Israel is well on its way. 

Friedman notes the that the Palestinian Authority has long functioned as a collaborator with the Israeli army, that Abbas, 87, will die before long without an obvious successor, that there is significant corruption and Palestinian resistance. These factors are both a product of the manipulations and demands of the Israeli authorities and the challenges for Palestinian society to develop and flourish under crushing restrictions and military control.

The New York Times opinion piece, “The Ideal of Democracy in a Jewish State Is in Jeopardy” is fraught with even more self-delusion, starting with the title and the line, “Israel’s proud tradition as a boisterous and pluralistic democracy.” One of the basic tenets of democracy is that it is a government of all its citizens and thus a government where only some of the people have full rights (see the Nation State Bill of 2018 granting Jews the “exclusive” right of self-determination in the land) cannot by definition be a democracy.  The Times views the new government as “a qualitative and alarming break with all the other governments in Israel’s 75-year history,” rather than the culmination of all the forces that preceded it. 

The editorial trots out its strong support of Israel and the (long dead) two-state solution and then immediately mentions the rise of antisemitism, suggesting that criticism of Israel may be stemming from Jew-hatred, rather than the egregious policies of the state and Benjamin Netanyahu’s willingness to do anything to stay in power and out of prison. 

The Times correctly identifies the dangers ahead: expanding and legalizing settlements, thus rendering a Palestinian state impossible, changing the status of the Temple Mount/al-Aqsa Mosque compound, thus inflaming Muslims worldwide, and undermining the Israeli Supreme Court’s role in providing judicial restraints over the Knesset. They conclude with the concern that discrediting Israeli democratic ideals will further damage the two-state solution. 

These are very old, tired arguments and much of the world has come to understand that the struggle in Israel/Palestine is a human and civil rights struggle, that equality for all people between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea is the only way to have an enduring peace, whether it is one state, a federation, or some other form of government yet to be determined. Ironically, the belief in Jewish supremacy, which requires constant military dominance over and intolerance of others, will not make Israeli Jews any safer.

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We are forever going to deal with this “Palestinians don’t want peace because they reject the legitimacy of a Jewish state” nonsense. Well, there’s only so much information that can be passed along in an online discussion, but many history books have debunked that myth. I recommend Jerome Slater’s “Mythologies Without End” – this is from the Amazon blurb:

In Mythologies Without End, Jerome Slater takes stock of the conflict from its origins to the present day and argues that US policies in the region are largely a product of mythologies that are often flatly wrong. For example, the Israelis’ treatment of Palestinians after 1948 undermined its claim that it was a true democracy, and the argument that Arab states refused to negotiate with Israel for decades is simply untrue. Because of widespread acceptance of these myths in both the US and Israel, the consequences have been devastating to all of the involved parties. In fact, the actual history is very nearly the converse of the mythology: it is Israel and the US that have repeatedly lost, discarded, or even deliberately sabotaged many opportunities to reach fair compromise settlements of the Arab-Israeli and Israeli-Palestinian conflicts. As Slater reexamines the entire history of the conflict from its onset at the end of WWI through the Netanyahu era, he argues that a refutation of the many mythologies that is a necessary first step toward solving the Arab-Israeli conflict.

The real problem here is if there is no two state solution, there is no solution, or rather Israel automatically wins. A one state solution will only lead to civil war, of which the Palestinian side has little capability to win. This will just lead to another Nabka, and an even more aggressive Jewish state.

What this article failed to point out is that Israelis are moving to the right after years of Palestinian extremism terrorism and rejection of peace offers. The Gaza disengagement led to multiple wars, indiscriminate missiles and terrorism from its Hamas leaders. The 2000 peace proposal to Arafat led to a violent suicide bombing intifada in the west bank and israel. Israelis are concluding that no amount of territorial concessions will satisfy the Palestinians who reject the very legitimacy of any Israeli state. Under such stark realizations Israel will prioritize its own interests over a peace long since rejected by its Palestinian neighbors.