On March 21, activist Yifat Doron slapped a military prosecutor during a hearing in the case of Nariman Tamimi, mother of Ahed Tamimi, who will spend 8 months in prison for slapping an Israeli soldier in her occupied village. Doron spent only two days in jail, because she is classified by the state as Jewish. The double standard speaks volumes.

The Israeli government’s move to clear the building permit and zoning requirements for the US State Department’s construction on a new embassy in Jerusalem highlights what happens to Palestinians when they seek to build in the occupied city: their houses are demolished. Building permits are “unobtainable” to them, human rights groups say.

“What if 200,000 Palestinians headed peacefully to cross the border, while raising a poster that says they only want to go back to their land? What would happen?” It all started in 2011 with that Facebook post, the dream of a 33-year-old man in Gaza named Ahmed Abu Ratima. The Great March of Return will start on Land Day, March 30, and will continue for six weeks until May 15, which commemorates the Nakba, when hundreds of thousands of Palestinians were forced from their homes to make way or the creation of Israel. Palestinian refugees living in Gaza will set up tents near the border and move gradually—and peacefully—closer.

Conservative British Jewish organisations are trawling Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn through the mud of ‘anti-Semitism’ for a Facebook response in 2012 to a London street mural portraying oppressive bankers. The campaign is about one thing: preventing criticism of Israel inside a major British political party.

Professor of philosophy Joseph Levine takes apart the argument that BDS is anti-Semitic because it establishes a “double standard” for Israel. There are many reasons to single out Israel as a target for boycotts, rather than other oppressive nations. Because Palestinians have issued such a call as part of their struggle. And because of western complicity in the history of colonialism.

Chuck Schumer, Ron Lauder, and David Harris all seem terrified of what young non-Zionist Jews will do to undermine the work of the Israel lobby. They characterize the young as an existential threat to Israel. These young Jews are exercising the same generational power as the high school gun-control movement and #MeToo movement against sexual harassment.

While progressives often celebrate liberation seders for Passover, Harriet Malinowitz writes that the story of the Exodus from Egypt to the Promised Land becomes much more complicated when told from the perspective of the Canaanites: “Putting the Canaanites at the center of the story completely upends Exodus as a paradigmatic liberation narrative.”

For a fourth year in a row American Muslims for Palestine held its Palestine Advocacy Day and Training program in Washington DC bringing 250 to lobby Congress to support funding for Palestinian refugees, vote down anti-boycott legislation, and end military detention of children.

Rabbi Arthur Waskow does not mention Palestinians in his very political Freedom Seder, he says, because he was focused on the “big empire,” the United States, not the “little empire,” Israel. But he said that many Jews are guilty of idolatry in their inability to criticize Israel.

Israeli soldiers arrested Asad Al-Din Ibrahim Abulhawa, a 14-year-old Palestinian boy with severe burns on his back, from an East Jerusalem hospital, on charges of throwing a Molotov cocktail at Israeli forces. Police then defied the family and moved the boy to an Israeli hospital.