Media Analysis

Does Hamas truly want to eradicate Israel? (No)

Mainstream U.S. media reports on the crisis take it as an established fact that Hamas wants to eradicate Israel. Here, the other day, is New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman. He called Hamas 

an Islamo-fascist organization. . . that is dedicated to destroying the Jewish state and imposing a Teheran-like Islamic regime in Palestine. . .

Let’s set aside the hysteria, and turn to a genuine scholar, Jerome Slater, who taught about Israel/Palestine for 50 years and who recently published the work of a lifetime: “Mythologies without End: The US, Israel, and the Arab-Israeli Conflict 1917-2020.”

Jerome Slater. (Photo courtesy of Oxford University Press)
Jerome Slater. (Photo courtesy of Oxford University Press)

Slater looked calmly at the facts, and this is what he found. He recognizes that Hamas’s original 1988 Charter was in fact “openly anti-Semitic and called for the violent destruction of Israel,” but he says the record shows that “as early as 2009,” the organization “began moving away” from it. Hamas leaders continued to moderate their rhetoric, and then in May 2017 the organization issued a new charter:

There were still ambiguities and apparent inconsistencies, but there was a clear change: the new charter downplayed the religious fundamentalism of the original one, dropped the anti-Semitic language, and stated that the Islamist movement was not at war with the Jewish people but only with “Zionism” and the Israeli occupation of Palestine.

Slater scrutinized the document further, and went on to say that Hamas was also suggesting that it could accept a two-state settlement. Hamas would not be the first extreme organization to moderate its views under the pressure of reality, and no one can guarantee how sincere it is. But Slater continues to assert that the organization’s actions in recent years show it is not committed to all-out war. He quotes Israeli officials who acknowledged, for instance, that after the Israeli attack on Gaza ended in 2014 up until 2016 the organization had “not fired a single rocket, nor even a single bullet” from the besieged territory.

Slater also goes back further, and analyzes how Hamas came to power in Gaza. In late 2005, the George W. Bush administration pressured the Palestinian Authority to hold elections, because it was widely assumed the PA would win easily. Instead, Palestinian voters gave Hamas a majority in Parliament. The U.S. and Israel refused to accept the results, and promoted a military coup in Gaza to topple Hamas. The June 2007 overthrow attempt failed, and Hamas took full power in Gaza. Slater notes wryly:

Since then, in Israel and the United States these events have been typically described as “a coup” when, in fact, it was a response to the real coup — the US and PA actions after the wrong side won the Gazan election.

Of course Hamas’s popularity 14 years ago may have dissipated today, (although there have been anecdotal reports that even Gazans who oppose the organization support its rocket launches after the Israeli provocations in Jerusalem). And one theory about why PA leader Mahmoud Abbas (again) postponed elections in Palestine that were supposed to happen May 22 is that he knew Hamas would defeat him. 

Some of the mystery in the outside world about Hamas is surely because the organization is treated as a pariah. U.S. diplomats are prohibited from talking to it openly, the U.S. government calls it a terrorist organization, and the New York Times and other mainstream U.S. media outlets rarely if ever try to interview its leaders or listen to its supporters. 

Meanwhile, Jerome Slater deserves credit for taking Hamas seriously. He understands that you don’t make peace with your friends, but with your enemies, and your first step must be to find out who they really are and what they actually want. 

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Hamas figured out Israel a long time ago. There is no point in talking via a peace process.
Gaza is the poorest of all of the Palestinian cantons and has suffered the most. For Gaza to awaken the Palestinian spirit in Haifa is very significant.

Hamas remind me of what Victor Hugo wrote about the Communards of Paris , 1870. They were massacred by the authorities. Nobody knows how many were killed.

Ce que nous demandons à l’Avenir.
Ce que nous voulons de Lui.
C’est la Justice.
Ce n’est pas la Vengeance.”

Victor Hugo (Inscription on the Communards’ Wall in Paris)

What we ask of the future
What we want from it
 Is justice
Not revenge.

The Palestinians will get justice. This month was the game changer.

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Regarding Hamas and the Gaza Strip:
On 16 June 2009, after meeting with former U.S. President Jimmy Carter, Ismail Haniya, prime minister of Hamas’s Gaza Strip government, announced that “If there is a real plan to resolve the Palestinian question on the basis of the creation of a Palestinian state within the borders of June 4, 1967 [i.e. 22% of historic Palestine] and with full sovereignty, we are in favour of it.”
 
“‘We accept a Palestinian state on the borders of 1967, with Jerusalem as its capital, the release of Palestinian prisoners, and the resolution of the issue of refugees,’ Haniyeh said, referring to the year of Middle East war in which Israel captured East Jerusalem and the Palestinian territories.” (Haaretz, December 1, 2010) No response from Israel. (By calling for a “resolution of the issue of refugees,” Haniyeh was in accordance with UNGA Res. 194, which calls for financial compensation as a possible option for the Palestinian refugees rather than their “inalienable Right of Return.”)
 
In its revised Charter, April, 2017, Hamas again agreed to a Palestinian state based on the 4 June 1967 borders. Unfortunately, but not surprisingly, Israel promptly rejected the Hamas overture instead of using it to open a dialogue.
 
“Senior Hamas Official: ‘I Think We Can All Live Here in This Land – Muslims, Christians and Jews.’” By Nir Gontarz. March 28, 2018, Haaretz. No response from Israel.
 
Unfortunately, Israel’s response to every peace overture from the Palestinians, including Hamas, and the Arab states, has been rapidly increasing illegal settlement construction along with escalating dispossession and violent oppression of the indigenous Palestinin inhabitants.
 
BTW, The “offer” made in 2008 by then Israeli PM Ehud Olmert was never seen as serious because it lacked cabinet approval, he was under indictment with only a few weeks left in office, had a 6% favorable rating, and, therefore, couldn’t have closed the deal, even if the Palestinians had accepted it. (Olmert was imprisoned.) (cont’d)
 

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As for Netanyahu and the Likud party, here’s a brief summation of their positions that are contrary to international law and explain why the conflict has continued:
 
The Likud Party Platform:
a. “The Jordan river will be the permanent eastern border of the State of Israel.”
b. “Jerusalem is the eternal, united capital of the State of Israel and only of Israel. The government will flatly reject Palestinian proposals to divide Jerusalem”
c. “The Government of Israel flatly rejects the establishment of a Palestinian Arab state west of the Jordan river.”
d. “…. Settlement of the land is a clear expression of the unassailable right of the Jewish people to the Land of Israel and constitutes an important asset in the defense of the vital interests of the State of Israel. The Likud will continue to strengthen and develop these communities and will prevent their uprooting.”

“Slater also goes back further, and analyzes how Hamas came to power in Gaza. “

On that issue, there’s an interesting letter to the editor in today’s New York Times:

https://www.nytimes.com/2021/05/17/opinion/letters/israel-gaza-palestinians.html

Nicholas Kristof is right when he mentions that Israel once allowed the rise of Hamas as a counterweight to the Palestine Liberation Organization. But Israel did much more than “allow.”

In 1981, Brig. Gen. Yitzhak Segev, Israel’s military governor of Gaza, told me that he was giving money to the Muslim Brotherhood, the precursor of Hamas, on the instruction of the Israeli authorities. The funding was intended to tilt power away from both Communist and Palestinian nationalist movements in Gaza, which Israel considered more threatening than the fundamentalists.

Judging by a distressed phone call I got later from the army spokesman, General Segev’s superiors were not happy with his disclosure of a practice that did not look very clever, even at the time. They thought incorrectly — but apparently wished — that he had made his comments off the record.

David K. Shipler
Chevy Chase, Md.
The writer was The Times’s Jerusalem bureau chief from 1979 to 1984.

MY COMMENT: As for Hamas, the government of Israel doth protest a bit too much, methinks!

SEE: “How Israel Helped to Spawn Hamas” | By Andrew Higgins | The Wall Street Journal | Jan 24, 2009 

[EXCERPTS] Surveying the wreckage of a neighbor’s bungalow hit by a Palestinian rocket, retired Israeli official Avner Cohen traces the missile’s trajectory back to an “enormous, stupid mistake” made 30 years ago.

“Hamas, to my great regret, is Israel’s creation,” says Mr. Cohen, a Tunisian-born Jew who worked in Gaza for more than two decades. Responsible for religious affairs in the region until 1994, Mr. Cohen watched the Islamist movement take shape, muscle aside secular Palestinian rivals and then morph into what is today Hamas, a militant group that is sworn to Israel’s destruction.

Instead of trying to curb Gaza’s Islamists from the outset, says Mr. Cohen, Israel for years tolerated and, in some cases, encouraged them as a counterweight to the secular nationalists of the Palestine Liberation Organization and its dominant faction, Yasser Arafat’s Fatah. . .

. . . When Israel first encountered Islamists in Gaza in the 1970s and ’80s, they seemed focused on studying the Quran, not on confrontation with Israel. The Israeli government officially recognized a precursor to Hamas called Mujama Al-Islamiya, registering the group as a charity. It allowed Mujama members to set up an Islamic university and build mosques, clubs and schools. Crucially, Israel often stood aside when the Islamists and their secular left-wing Palestinian rivals battled, sometimes violently, for influence in both Gaza and the West Bank.

“When I look back at the chain of events I think we made a mistake,” says David Hacham, who worked in Gaza in the late 1980s and early ’90s as an Arab-affairs expert in the Israeli military. “But at the time nobody thought about the possible results.” . . .

ENTIRE ARTICLE – https://web.archive.org/web/20090208223439/http://online.wsj.com/article/SB123275572295011847.html